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Open Access Article
1 - The agreement between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia and its effect on the activism of the Palestinian resistance groups
Mohammadbagher Mokaramipour sohrab Mohammadzadeh Neda ParsaThe Middle East as a special security complex due to its ambiguous and complex situation has always been the scene of alliance and competition between the great extra-regional powers and the regional powers, and among them, the countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia as the MoreThe Middle East as a special security complex due to its ambiguous and complex situation has always been the scene of alliance and competition between the great extra-regional powers and the regional powers, and among them, the countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia as the two determining and possessing powers. Influence in the region, they have the necessary power to shape and influence the relations of the West Asian region. So that it can be clearly seen that the region of West Asia and North Africa is affected by the policies of the two mentioned countries and the quality of their relations with each other. Therefore, the resumption of relations between the two countries, which - after 7 years of complete termination of relations, during five rounds of negotiations in Baghdad and Oman, finally took place on March 10, 2023 with the mediation of China in Beijing and - with the signing of a peace agreement , is very important. This agreement, which has had a wide coverage in the regional and world media due to its many consequences on regional relations, raises many questions about regional issues. In this research, the authors of the work seek to investigate the effect of this special and bilateral agreement on the activism of the Palestinian resistance groups. Therefore, the main question of this research can be posed as "What effect will the agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia have on the activism of the Palestinian resistance groups?". In response to the said question, which the authors of the work came up with a descriptive-analytical approach to answer, such a hypothesis can be proposed that: based on the theory of "structural realism" and also the theory of "Balance of threat", the mentioned agreement.. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
2 - Reform in Accounting Standards: Evidence from Saudi Arabia
Jamal Barzegari Khanagha -
Open Access Article
3 - Research on Tehran’s dry and wet periods using second grade Markov chain Model
پرویز Kerdavani حسین Mohamadi مژگان AfsharIn order to Statistically and Synoptically analyze and predict the dry and wet periods inTehran during the cold period, the days with 0/1 milimeter rain or more , mehrabadstation was daily chosen and surveyed as wet days during 1985-2003. The secondgrade markov chain mo MoreIn order to Statistically and Synoptically analyze and predict the dry and wet periods inTehran during the cold period, the days with 0/1 milimeter rain or more , mehrabadstation was daily chosen and surveyed as wet days during 1985-2003. The secondgrade markov chain model was used For determinig dry and wet periods. At firstfrequancy wet and dry days according to their continuation were classified andfrequancy eash one was studied individually.Tthen the possibility of every sequencewas calculated monthly and a six month of cold ness period.The most frequancy of rainy days 51 days and its least is 25 days a year. Marchwith 188 and October with 81 days rain is the Maximum and the Minimum frequency.1995 and 1996 years have been the driest and wettest years.After determining thesequences , the survey of effective pressure patterns in creating rain during the days 27to 30 of November ,1 to 7 of December 2003 as a longhest period and 10 to 13 ofDecember 1995 as a period of 4 days of wetness during the driest year , the surveyperiod was synoptically analyzed for this reason. It has been necessary to use sea levelpressure maps and 500 hp and also maps of direction and speed of the wind andspessific humidity 700 hp.The comparison of the frequency of predicted sequences with the frequancy ofobserved sequences , shows markov chain model exactness in predicting the dry andwet sequences of Tehran region which have sharp mismathch of rain.In synoptically maps it was specified that the most important source of humidityin Iran have been the Red sea, Arab sea, Adan gulf, which concidence of these wetnesssources with the Persian gulf and Saudi Arabia high pressure has caused moretransition of wetness into Iran and Tehran. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
4 - The Place of Middle East Energy Resources in China's Foreign Policy Strategy in the Post-Cold War (Case Study of Iran and Saudi Arabia)
Mohamadreza Adabi Davood Kiani Mashallah HeidarpourThe Middle East region is one of the most important areas of the world that has been at the forefront of the world for many years. The obvious feature of this region is the huge reserves of oil and gas. But the issue that was highlighted in the twenty-first century is t MoreThe Middle East region is one of the most important areas of the world that has been at the forefront of the world for many years. The obvious feature of this region is the huge reserves of oil and gas. But the issue that was highlighted in the twenty-first century is the rise of China and the efforts of this Asian nation after the reform period for a dynamic and effective presence in strategic areas of the world, including the Middle East, and as it needs its energy resources to grow its economy. It tries to increase its influence in various ways, including establishing widespread relations with the countries of the region. For the purpose of this study, the present paper seeks to answer the question of why China's presence in the Middle East has increased over the past few decades? The paper, which is based on a descriptive-analytic method based on the theoretical framework of mutual complex interdependence, has tested this hypothesis in response to its main question: Increasing the reliance of China's economy on imports of fossil fuels from The Middle East for economic and industrial development; the main shift in China's gradual evolution policy toward the Middle East, especially with two countries rich in energy such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, is from the principle of non-interference in the policy of expanding economic-political interactions. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
5 - A Study of the Context and Dimensions of New Saudi Arabian Foreign Policy in the Middle East
Mahdi Javdani Moghadam Hamed HariforushThe Mideast developments that began in 2011 when public uprising of Tunisia erupted and spread across other nations in the region triggered remarkable changes to emerge in socio-political structures in some Middle Eastern nations. In the meantime, Saudi Arabia, having t MoreThe Mideast developments that began in 2011 when public uprising of Tunisia erupted and spread across other nations in the region triggered remarkable changes to emerge in socio-political structures in some Middle Eastern nations. In the meantime, Saudi Arabia, having traditional royal regime found itself seriously exposed to damage caused by a surge of seeking changes in two areas of indoors and outdoors Saudi Arabia considering the mission it had defined as leader of Muslim World for itself as well as for perpetuating and expanding its influence in the region showed new and different reaction to the Mideast developments. This country that known after adopting conservative foreign policy tried, by taking invasive approach, to maintain its benefits, expand its influence in the region and preserve its position as leader of Muslim World. Although this invasive policy has similar nature in different nations including Syria, Bahrain, Yemen and Egypt, it pursues various behavioral methods and models. The main question this article raises is “what are the most important effective variables effective on change of conservative approach into invasive one in Saudi’s foreign policy?” The findings of this research conducted analytically and descriptively showed generation change of ruling elites, Saudi-U.S decline during Obama administration, weakening of U.S hegemony and balance of power change after Arabia spring and strengthened Iran’s power and resistance forces in the region have led Saudi’s foreign policy towards complicated approach of interaction and confrontation in line with strengthened role and expanded influence of Saudi Arabia and confrontation with expanding influence of Iran in the region. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
6 - A Study of Challenges and Obstacles of Formation of Cooperative Security Model in the Middle East (2001-2020)
Saeed Amouzadeh Hossein Karimi Fard Fereidun Akbarzadeh Shahram FattahiThe purpose of the present study is to review challenges and obstacles of formation of cooperative security models in the Middle East (2001-2020). The research relies on the hypothesis that cooperative security models have requirements such as negotiation-based models, MoreThe purpose of the present study is to review challenges and obstacles of formation of cooperative security models in the Middle East (2001-2020). The research relies on the hypothesis that cooperative security models have requirements such as negotiation-based models, least disagreement in different aspects, transparency and mutual respect, not letting the interference of foreign powers in regional affairs, and having democratic governments but many of them are ignored due to various disputes and conflicts among countries in the region. The present study deals with the cooperative security model and its compatibility with the condition of countries in the Middle east within the regional security framework of Copenhagen school and a descriptive-explanatory method. The results indicate that conflicts in terms of identity, religion, and territory as well as rivalry between great powers have led to ongoing paradox and tension, arms race, lack of transparency, security puzzle, and interference of super-regional powers in the Middle East. Therefore, the cooperative security Model faces numerous challenges which need to be solved. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
7 - The Policy of the European Union and the United States towards the War in Yemen form the Perspective of Neorealism (2015-2019)
Majid Abbasi Akbar ZareaiThe purpose of the present study is to research about the policies of the European Union (E.U) and United States of America (U.S.A) towards the attack of Saudi-led coalition forces to Yemen. The main hypothesis of the study is that the E.U mostly aims to use legal and d MoreThe purpose of the present study is to research about the policies of the European Union (E.U) and United States of America (U.S.A) towards the attack of Saudi-led coalition forces to Yemen. The main hypothesis of the study is that the E.U mostly aims to use legal and diplomatic solutions as well as national and international talks to resolve the crisis in Yemen but the U.S.A attempts to support Saudi policies and the military attack of Saudi-led coalition forces to handle the crisis with the purpose of defeating Ansarullah. This study was conducted by descriptive-analytical method and qualitative approach and the results showed that the Europeans and Americans hold that Houthi Movement in Yemen is under the influence and guidance of Islamic Republic of Iran so they attempt to prevent Iran’s penetration in the region and the establishment of a government like Iran. The Europeans assume that ongoing negotiations to end conflict and return to peace should be supported. Despite this announced policy by the E.U, the governments of Germany, France, and U.K are still continuing to sell their military weapons to Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E and do not want to lose this important market for selling their weapons. The Americans think that the stabilization of Houthi state in Yemen entails the spread of Iran’s penetration in the region and it will lead to the imbalance of power to the disadvantage of the U.S allies. The solution for the crisis in Yemen is to hold national talks between opposing parties and resolve conflicts in short term and long term under the supervision of the United Nation to decrease military tension and conflict and force the attacking military forces out of Yemen. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
8 - An Analysis of the Foreign Policy Strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Middle East Using SWOT Model
Ibrahim Eram Amin Ravan Bod Ghafar ZareiThe purpose of the present study is to review the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia's foreign policy in the Middle East to find an optimal strategy for the Islamic Republic of Iran in front of Saudi Arabia. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and the SWO MoreThe purpose of the present study is to review the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia's foreign policy in the Middle East to find an optimal strategy for the Islamic Republic of Iran in front of Saudi Arabia. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and the SWOT model was used for the analysis of the foreign policy strategies of the two countries. The results showed that a mixture of constructive interaction and controlling policies can be the optimal strategy for the Islamic Republic of Iran in front of Saudi Arabia in the current condition. Following the biphasic policy of constructive interaction and control in relation with Saudi Arabia requires emphasis on cooperation between two countries in fighting against Islamophobia, providing the security of the Persian Gulf, and maintenance of the environment; however, the contemporary acceptance of the opposite party should not be regarded as a defeat. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
9 - An Identity-Centered Approach to Russia’s Balanced Policy toward Islamic Countries in the Middle East: A Case Study of Iran and Saudi Arabia (2011-2020)
Sayed Razzagh Moghimi Davoud Kiani Mahdi Javdani MoghaddamThe purpose of the present research is to study effective criteria on Russia’s policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East after Arab revolutions. In this regard, the main research question of the current study is: what factors have led Russia to adopt a b MoreThe purpose of the present research is to study effective criteria on Russia’s policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East after Arab revolutions. In this regard, the main research question of the current study is: what factors have led Russia to adopt a balanced policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East during 2011-2020? Moreover, the research relies on the hypothesis that during that the above time period, Russia, on the one hand, assisted Shi’ite groups led by Iran to fight against excommunication (Takfiri) terrorism, and on the other hand, expanded its relations with Sunni Muslim countries in order to prevent stimulation of religious fundamentalism in its Muslim republics. The current study which was conducted by a descriptive analytic method in the theoretical framework of constructivism, presents a rather distinctive analysis of the essence of Russia’s relations with middle eastern Islamic countries after Arab revolutions. The results indicate that since Arabic revolutions in 2011 and formation of new groups in the regional and international level in the Middle East, especially the Syrian crisis that initiated a new stage in Russia’s relations with the Islamic world, Moscow has attempted to adopt a balanced policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East to remove the danger of Islamic extremism, avoid tension with those countries and reinforce relationship with them. Therefore, it is expected that Russia highlights the role of Islam in its foreign policy and that Russian politicians show more interest in constructive collaboration with middle eastern Islamic countries. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
10 - Security Challenges Arising from Globalization in the Middle East and Their Impact on the Foreign Policy Strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia
Fazel Hassanzadeh Amin Ravanbod Ghafar ZareiIn the past few years, we have seen developments in the Middle East region. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are two important and influential countries in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. During the last four decades after the Islamic Revolution, Saud MoreIn the past few years, we have seen developments in the Middle East region. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are two important and influential countries in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. During the last four decades after the Islamic Revolution, Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have undergone many changes in their relations. The purpose of this research is to investigate the security challenges caused by globalization in the Middle East and its impact on the adoption of foreign policy strategies of the two countries. Was. The method used in this research is the descriptive-analytical method. In this method, the analysis of information is based on the historical review of the events related to the subject, as well as the data based on the analysis of details in the overall structure, and the foreign policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are identified using reliable sources. The results of the research showed that Saudi Arabia seeks to improve its regional position against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and with this goal, it has entered into regional crises, and in this regard, the policies adopted by the two regimes have caused divergence and divisive tensions in regional level, the result of which has been nothing but the rise and spread of terrorists in the region, the presence of western countries under the pretext of fighting it, and the overall decrease in the security of the region. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
11 - Investigating Ideological and Political Origins of the Houthis' Movement
Ahmad Jansiz Mostafa TarinThe purpose of the present study is to investigate and identify the political, ideological roots, motivations, and motives of the Houthi movement that has emerged in Yemen in recent years. In this study, the scientific and theoretical reasons of the Houthi movement have MoreThe purpose of the present study is to investigate and identify the political, ideological roots, motivations, and motives of the Houthi movement that has emerged in Yemen in recent years. In this study, the scientific and theoretical reasons of the Houthi movement have been taken into consideration by Dokmajian theory, and the role of Zaydieh and the actions of Yemeni rulers, especially Ali Abdullah Saleh and the ideas of Hussein Al Houthi have been noticed. This paper, using a descriptive-analytical method, shows that in analyzing the causes of the Houthi movement, some internal factors such as political, social, cultural and economic conditions are considered to be a factor for this movement and some other theorists believe external factors, international system and the effects of external events have contributed to this movement. The dynamics of the Houthi movement indicate that it will gain an important place in the political future of Yemen and in power position. Studying the intellectual roots of this movement has mostly political and ideological backgrounds that have fed the will of its followers. Combating oppression, American hegemony, Zionist influence, and the destruction of secularism have a particular place in these ideas, and they emphasize the legitimacy of the political system, justice and the renunciation of evil. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
12 - Regional Security Order in Its Postwar Period and the Position of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran
farzad navidi nia Mahnaz Goodarzi Seyed Javad Emam Jomezzadehfarzad navidi nia[1] Mahnaz Goodarzi[2] Seyed Javad Emam Jomezzadeh[3] Abstract: The Middle East is a full of tension area. The existence of despotic governments and relatively stable dictatorships has at least been governed by a threat balanced, state-owned security st Morefarzad navidi nia[1] Mahnaz Goodarzi[2] Seyed Javad Emam Jomezzadeh[3] Abstract: The Middle East is a full of tension area. The existence of despotic governments and relatively stable dictatorships has at least been governed by a threat balanced, state-owned security structure as part of the essence of the region. The rise of religious terrorism, extremism, and in particular its spread to al-Qaeda and Taliban groups and in the current era of ISIS, has gradually diminished this state-owned Westphalian order. In this article, the structure of the regional order of this part of the world in the post-war period and the situation of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic is examined. Given the realistic approach, the main claim of this article is that ISIS in the context of terror assimilation has transformed the pattern of balance of power into unstable patterns. Thus, in the post-war period, regional governments will experience close relations to strengthen their desired security order. This article is a library-based descriptive method. [1]- PhD Student of International Relations, Isfahan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, Iran [2]- Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Isfahan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Isfahan, Iran:Corresponding Author [3]-Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
13 - Recognition of Saudi Media Diplomacy in West Asia; A Case Study of Iran International Network Performance
zahra mohajeriamiri masoud motallebiAlong with the globalization of communication and the effective presence of the media in the international arena, traditional diplomacy has changed and "media diplomacy" has emerged as one of the main branches of the foreign policy apparatus. In the past two decades, th MoreAlong with the globalization of communication and the effective presence of the media in the international arena, traditional diplomacy has changed and "media diplomacy" has emerged as one of the main branches of the foreign policy apparatus. In the past two decades, the importance of using international media has caused the powers of the West Asian region, such as Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar, to think of benefiting from these media. In this regard, this article has been written with the aim of explaining and understanding Saudi Arabia's media diplomacy in West Asia through the media activism of "Iran International" network. The results and findings of this research, which was carried out using the analytical descriptive method, indicate that: Saudi Arabia, after King Salman came to power in 2015, in order to strengthen its foreign policy in pursuit of media hegemony and the use of media tools. It has been in dealing with regional rivals, such as helping to launch the anti-Iranian network "Iran International" against the Islamic Republic of Iran can be counted as one of these measures. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
14 - Scenarios for the future of relations of Iran and Saudi Arabia
roghayeh javidi Gholamreza Behroozi LakAbstract: Interactions and relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia as two regional powers are affecting the regional development and themselves. These interactions are important and one can predict the future trend of these foreign policy directions and formulate desira MoreAbstract: Interactions and relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia as two regional powers are affecting the regional development and themselves. These interactions are important and one can predict the future trend of these foreign policy directions and formulate desirable and timely policies and make appropriate decisions. The present paper wants to use a combination of methodology of scenario writing of James Dytor and second step analysis to predict the trend, events and future scenario of Iran and Saudi Arabia relations in order to have a better planning and policy making. The main question raised by the paper is "what are the future scenario of coming decade of Iran and Saudi Arabia relations?" By understanding the events and the driving force which strengthen the relations and obstacles which impedes the relations one comes to the conclusion that the scenario of straining relations is more probable and the scenario of cooperation is having list possibility. Besides that the scenario of breaking our war or conflict is also probable depending on factors which strengthen the driving force. Therefore, taking into consideration the above scenarios it is necessary that the political leaders in their strategic planning adopt the pattern of cooperation and constructive interaction. They should strengthen the cultural and ideological drivers and encourage the regional countries to further cooperation scenario. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
15 - An Analysis of the Security Crisis in Yemen: the Causes and Context
سید امیر نیاکوئی احسان اعجازیAbstract The present paper wants to explain the causes of security crisis of Yemen after the Arab Spring by the help of theories of security. Yemen which faced internal conflicts in the past after unification plunged into widespread insecurity and civil war after the A MoreAbstract The present paper wants to explain the causes of security crisis of Yemen after the Arab Spring by the help of theories of security. Yemen which faced internal conflicts in the past after unification plunged into widespread insecurity and civil war after the Arab Spring. Taking into consideration the present condition of Yemen, the present paper wants to answer this question that “what factors prepared the ground for the formation of security crisis in Yemen”? The paper uses descriptive-analytical method and the toll for collection of data is library sources. The finding of the study shows that complicated multi-layer mixtures of internal and external factors which strengthen each other have led to the formation of Yemen security crisis. The paper argues that Yemen is moving towards chaotic rule and the military intervention of Saudi Arabia in support of pro-Saudi tribes and groups has exacerbated the insecurity and conflicts. The article explains the Yemen’s development from the viewpoint of Little theory of security. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
16 - Explaining the Foreign Policy of Saudi Arabia vis-à-vis the Excommunicative Terrorism in Iraq and Syria
مهدی هدایتی شهیدانی sajad morady kelardehAbstract: The Middle East region is witnessing an increase in the activities of terrorist groups in recent years. The activities of these groups have had different reactions of regional countries. The present paper by an analytical method and within the framework of def MoreAbstract: The Middle East region is witnessing an increase in the activities of terrorist groups in recent years. The activities of these groups have had different reactions of regional countries. The present paper by an analytical method and within the framework of defensive realism theory wants to examine Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards excommunicative terrorism in Iraq and Syria and with this objective discusses two main questions. First what is the role of excommunicative terrorism in Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in Iraq and Syria? Second, what strategies does Saudi Arabia follow about excommunicative terrorism in Iraq and Syria? The findings of the paper shows that the excommunicative terrorism in Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy plays the role of threat balancing in the face of Iran’s expansion of power in Iraq and Syria and Saudi Arabia’s strategy vis-à-vis excommunicative terrorism is a varied range of policies consisting direct support, making consensus against Iran in regional organizations under his influence and coalition making with regional countries. The article examines the above issue by the use of library and internet sources. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
17 - “Omni balancing” and Saudi Arabian Coalition Building against the Islamic Republic of Iran
Abdol Majid Seifi Naser pourhassanAbstract After the victory of Islamic revolution in Iran, several regional coalitions were formed in geopolitical region around Iran, particularly in Arabian Peninsula. One of the important regional actors of these coalitions is Saudi Arabia. The basis of Saudi authori MoreAbstract After the victory of Islamic revolution in Iran, several regional coalitions were formed in geopolitical region around Iran, particularly in Arabian Peninsula. One of the important regional actors of these coalitions is Saudi Arabia. The basis of Saudi authorities in “making coalition” is “balance of threat” which is formed in the face of Islamic Republic of Iran as the source of threat. The present article by rejecting this argument wants to answer this question that the role making by Saudi Arabia in balancing in the Middle East region, particularly in Persian Gulf region and Arabian Peninsula against Iran is based on what logic and base? The underlying hypothesis propounded by the article is that the real root of coalition making by Saudi Arabia, from Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) till Determination Storm Operation against Ansarullah of Yemen and against Islamic Republic of Iran is “Omni aspect balancing” which the source of them are internal crisis of Saudi Arabia. The methodology used in the article is descriptive-analytical. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
18 - The Role of Identity in Saudi Arabia's Foreign Policy
sedighe zare zahmatkesh ghasem torabyIt has long been argued that the controversy of identity is one of the main sources of crisis in the Middle East and international politics. That is, the existence of differences in the identity of the countries causes tension between them, while the convergence and sim MoreIt has long been argued that the controversy of identity is one of the main sources of crisis in the Middle East and international politics. That is, the existence of differences in the identity of the countries causes tension between them, while the convergence and similarity can lead to cooperation. Nevertheless, empirical evidence from the Middle East has long defied this hypothesis. The present study seeks to answer the question why does Saudi Arabia, who claims to be the leader of the Islamic world, has repeatedly opposed the rise of Islamist movements in the Middle East? The research hypothesis implies that, In the case of Saudi foreign policy, similarity became particularly threatening as the distinctiveness of the Saudi identity was challenged and identity similarity is as a source of conflict. To address this paradox, this article builds on the growing literature on ontological security to explaining how similarity can generate Tension, insecurity and identity risks. The article follows with a comparison of Saudi identity risks in the wake of the Iranian revolution (1979) and the ascendance of the Muslim Brotherhood to power in Egypt (2012). Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
19 - Evolution in Saudi Arabia's Military Strategy: Backgrounds and Reasons
Nader PourakhondiAbstract: The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is more known as an oil exporting state than a military power. Saudi Arabia have always been claiming as the leader of the Arab World and protector of the countries of Saudi Arabia Peninsula but its military force despite spending MoreAbstract: The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is more known as an oil exporting state than a military power. Saudi Arabia have always been claiming as the leader of the Arab World and protector of the countries of Saudi Arabia Peninsula but its military force despite spending considerable amount of money does not have the ability for playing a prominent role in Persian Gulf region’s developments but from 2003, especially after Arab Spring events it has improved its military capabilities and interferes in regional developments. The Saudi Arabia military entered Bahrain after the unrest in that country. At present the Saudi Arabia military forces simultaneously participates in two military operations i.e. air attack in Syria along with international coalition and air and land operation against the Houthies in Yemen. The present article wants to examine the reason of Saudi Arabia military doctrine change from defensive to offensive position. The hypothesis is that the changes which have taken place in security environment of Saudi Arabia have led this country to adopt an offensive military doctrine. The present article has used descriptive-analytical method. The finding of the study shows that the purpose of the change in the military strategy of Saudi Arabia is to contain the regional influence of Iran. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
20 - The evolution of the global power structure and its impact on the relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia
محمد حسین جمشیدی Sajad MohseniWith the collapse of the Soviet Union and the transformation of the power structure from bipolar to monopolitic, the regions became more important as sub-systems; Accordingly, the United States has sought to redistribute power in the regionsthe main question is what are MoreWith the collapse of the Soviet Union and the transformation of the power structure from bipolar to monopolitic, the regions became more important as sub-systems; Accordingly, the United States has sought to redistribute power in the regionsthe main question is what are the variables of the continuity of strategic relations between the United States and Saudi Arabia? It is hypothesized that the continuity of the relationship variables can be summarized in: "continuity of relationships based on shared interests and threats," "the scope and nature of military relations," and "economic interdependence". Accordingly, the study attempts to investigate issue based on the causal research and multivariate correlation,and the basis of documentary data, . Finally, the common interests and threats, the type of communication and the movement from economy to security and asymmetric reciprocity, have provided the context for the strategic link between Saudi Arabia and the United States, which underscores the continuation of the strategic relationship between the two countries. Iran is a common threat between the two countries of the Islamic Republic. Since the ability to confront and at least the Saudi Arabia's supremacy on the Islamic Republic is difficult, unilateral deterrence is a strategy adopted by the United States Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
21 - Saudi Arabia's alignment with Israel from the perspective of international relations theories
amirhossein nemati amir mohammad hajyousefiAbstractWith King Salman coming to power in 2015 and granting the Crown Prince with extensive powers and responsibilities to his son, Mohammed bin Salman, which led to the emergence of a new generation of leaders, this country’s policy in West Asia released from t MoreAbstractWith King Salman coming to power in 2015 and granting the Crown Prince with extensive powers and responsibilities to his son, Mohammed bin Salman, which led to the emergence of a new generation of leaders, this country’s policy in West Asia released from the conservative condition in respect to Israel, and a new alignment is emerging. This article by considering the theories of Waltz's balance of power, Stephen Walt's balance of threat and Randall Schuler's balance of interests, reply to this question that which theory or combination of theories can explain the origin of this alignment. To this end, the authors believe that Saudi Arabia's foreign policy making is based on, structural factors, and effective characteristics on government as a mediating variable which is in toward to the new alignment with Israel and balancing in west Asia in order to confront with I.R. of Iran. Although Stephen Walt's balance of threat is more efficient in explaining structural factors, Randall Schuler's theory has a higher explanatory power for simultaneously emphasizing the internal and structural factors of power in the form of balance of interest. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
22 - (Impact of Security Dilemma on Rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia)
ebrahim eram amin ravanbodAuthors of this research have tried to understand the role of security dilemma in the context of Iran-Saudi Arabia Rivalry. The main question is that how security dilemma has impacted the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The main hypothesis is that the severity of MoreAuthors of this research have tried to understand the role of security dilemma in the context of Iran-Saudi Arabia Rivalry. The main question is that how security dilemma has impacted the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The main hypothesis is that the severity of security dilemma has exacerbated the rivalry and tension between Iran and Saudi Arabia. It is tried to define an explanatory status of security dilemma and its level of impact on this rivalry in the pre- and post-Islamic Revolution era. The research method of this paper is descriptive-analytical with emphasis on theoretical analysis. This research, based on rational theory of international relations, finds that security dilemma between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the post-Islamic Revolution era is much more severe than pre-Islamic Revolution but the moderate level of security dilemma between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the pre-Islamic Revolution had a determining impact on lack of deep and serious cooperation between the two countries. The severe level of security dilemma between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the post-Islamic Revolution era has had a facilitating impact on rivalry between the two countries. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
23 - Alternative Scenarios of Iran vs. Saudi Arabia’s Regional Coalition-Building among Arab Countries: (2011-2019)
davoud ahmadzadeh Kayhan Barzegar Hamid hmadi Asadollah Athari MarianAbstractCurrent developments in the Middle East indicate a high probability of tension in the region which provided the basis for regional coalitions. In a way that, Saudi Arabia, as one of the major players in the Middle East region and the main competitor of the Islam MoreAbstractCurrent developments in the Middle East indicate a high probability of tension in the region which provided the basis for regional coalitions. In a way that, Saudi Arabia, as one of the major players in the Middle East region and the main competitor of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has sought to increase its regional influence in the major conquest centers. In this regard, the main question of the research is that, what alternative scenarios does Iran face in dealing with Saudi regional coalitions in the years after 2011? Considering Saudi Arabia's regional alliance in the Middle East against Iran, Alternative Scenarios of the Islamic Republic of Iran are at the Micro Level (Yemen Crisis) Consolidation of Ansarollah's Position in the country’s Political System, at the regional level, creating gaps in regional coalitions and at the trans-regional level, the deterioration and reinforcement of Iranian cultural diplomacy. This study is based on future research methodologies and based on the deductive approach and the use of Peter Schwartz's Global Business Network Improvement Model. Keywords: Iran, Saudi Arabia, Scenario Building, Coalition Building, Arab Countries. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
24 - US Sanctions against Iran and its Impact on China-Saudi Arabia Oil Cooperation (2009-2019)
Shirin Haddad Zand S.Ali MonavariChina's expansionist policies have increased the country's need for energy resources and increased oil and gas imports from around the world, especially from the Persian Gulf. This has drawn China's attention to the two main pillars of energy supply in the Persian Gulf: MoreChina's expansionist policies have increased the country's need for energy resources and increased oil and gas imports from around the world, especially from the Persian Gulf. This has drawn China's attention to the two main pillars of energy supply in the Persian Gulf: Iran and Saudi Arabia. However, China-Saudi Arabia and China-Iran's energy relations have had many ups and downs and the main reason can be found in the political issues and specific issues of the region, including the special relations between this two countries with the United States. This research seeks to answer the question of how U.S. sanctions against Iran in 2009-2019 have affected China and Saudi Arabia's oil cooperation. In response to this hypothesis, an explanatory method is used to examine that U.S. sanctions against Iran, by reducing the opportunities for China-Iran's energy cooperation, have led to the expansion of China –Saudi Arabia's oil cooperation in 2009-2019. This research concludes that the U.S. sanctions system isolated the powerful Iran in the economic field and created a golden opportunity for China and Saudi Arabia to strengthen their economic relations, especially energy relations. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
25 - Explanation of Saudi-Israeli relations against Iran : 2011-2020
farzad navidinia sajad moradi kelardehSaudi Arabia and Israel, two key players in the Middle East, have expanded bilateral and regional relations over the past decade. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between these two actors with the focus on new developments in the region. MoreSaudi Arabia and Israel, two key players in the Middle East, have expanded bilateral and regional relations over the past decade. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between these two actors with the focus on new developments in the region. This descriptive-analytical study, using the theory of threat balance, raises the main question: what is the most important reason for the expansion of Saudi-Israeli relations over the past decade and how can it be explained? In response, it pursues the main hypothesis that the main reason for the expansion of bilateral relations is joint cooperation with Iran in the region. The findings show that Saudi Arabia and Israel, based on the variables of threat balance theory including total power, geographical proximity, offensive power and offensive intentions, consider Iran as a threat and try to form a coalition and balance against it. The most important joint approaches of the two sides in dealing with Iran also include Iranophobia, supporting terrorist groups, challenging Iran's regional allies, Shiaophobia, influencing the US withdrawal from the JCPOA and expanding the normalization of relations with Israel among the Arab Gulf states. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
26 - Explaining the Impact of Neo-Ottomanism on Changing the Nature of Turkish-Saudi Relations from Cooperation to Conflict in the Syrian Crisis (2019-2011)
Mohsen Yousefi Rahmat Hajimineh mohammadreza dehshiriTurkey-Saudi Arabia relations between the AKP and the establishment of theAKPin2002,and the adoption of a new foreign policy known as"neo-Ottomanism",have always fluctuated between competition and cooperation.From the beginning of the party's effectiveness and the adopt MoreTurkey-Saudi Arabia relations between the AKP and the establishment of theAKPin2002,and the adoption of a new foreign policy known as"neo-Ottomanism",have always fluctuated between competition and cooperation.From the beginning of the party's effectiveness and the adoption of a new foreign policy by Ankara, and the beginning of the crisis in Syria,the nature of bilateral relations was cooperative,but as the crisis continued and intensified,Turkey preferred a direct military presence in Syria.The conflict changed and paved the way for a confrontation with Riyadh.TheTurkish military presence itself changed many of the equations in the region and the calculations of the countries,and Saudi Arabia also sought to reduce Iran's influence in the region and Syria.In this article,with an analytical-descriptive method, we seek to explain and answer the question of how neo-Ottomanism has changed the nature of relations between the two countries in the new foreign policy of Turkey and in relations with other countries,especially Saudi Arabia.In the Syrian crisis,the country has competed and fought in the form of cooperation.In answer to this question,we will use the hypothesis that neo-Ottomanism in the Syrian crisis,by creating a conflict of interests and goals,changed the nature of relations between Riyadh and Ankara from the form of cooperation to conflict. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
27 - Components and foundations of Saudi Arabia's desirable Regional order in West Asia (2020-2015)
Mahsima Abdollahian Mostafa BoroujerdiFollowing the Regional developments known as Arab Spring and the popular uprisings in the Arab world, Saudi Arabia, sensing threatened by the new developments, initiated altering its regional strategies. A great portion of the changes made in the regional approach of Sa MoreFollowing the Regional developments known as Arab Spring and the popular uprisings in the Arab world, Saudi Arabia, sensing threatened by the new developments, initiated altering its regional strategies. A great portion of the changes made in the regional approach of Saudi Arabia has been linked to the reign of King Salman, and particularly to the rise to power of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Aiming to study and analyze the modality of the formation of desirable regional order of Saudi Arabia, the question arises: "What are the characteristics and components of the desirable Regional order of Saudi Arabia and what are its mechanisms and practical tools?" As a probable answer, the study reasons that the desirable regional order of Saudi Arabia in its periphery (Arabian Peninsula) is based on "hard and soft hegemony", "being defined as a dominant regional player in the Arab world (countries with cultural and social commonalities with Saudi Arabia)" and " "Balancing in the Middle East region," And the study concludes that Saudi Arabia seeks to establish this order by building"alliance and coalition with the countries of the region", "attracting the support of America and the Zionist regime", and "strengthening its armament and military capabilities". Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
28 - Explaining the Impact of Globalization on Status seeking of Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia
Fazel Hassanzadeh amin ravanbod Ghaffar ZareiIn one hand, this research accepts the inevitable developments in international environment due to globalization and on the other hand, recognizing the state as the most important international actor, tries to explain one of the most influential state’s acts in th MoreIn one hand, this research accepts the inevitable developments in international environment due to globalization and on the other hand, recognizing the state as the most important international actor, tries to explain one of the most influential state’s acts in the globalized space. The purpose of this research is to explain the impact of globalization on dynamics of status seeking of Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. This research is done with descriptive-analytical method. Findings of this research show that in lack of collective security system in the Middle East, the strategy of social competition is an attractive option for Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. The competitive relations among states in the Middle East have been an obstacle toward creating inclusive institutions and common concept of security. Consequently, the strategy of social mobility has not been a functional one in the region. Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia in order to utilize the strategy of social creativity should demonstrate more compliance with global values and norms. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
29 - Explaining the Security Strategy of the United States of America vis-à-vis Saudi Arabia in Post-Cold War Era (Text in Persian)
Ali Adami Elaheh PirozianThe present article is examining the security strategy of the United States vis-à-vis the Saudi Arabia during post-cold war period، the 11 September events and the recent uprising of the Middle East region. What is famous as the alliance، friendship and cooperati MoreThe present article is examining the security strategy of the United States vis-à-vis the Saudi Arabia during post-cold war period، the 11 September events and the recent uprising of the Middle East region. What is famous as the alliance، friendship and cooperation between the United States and Saudi Arabia had not been free from serious tensions. The Saudi Arabia’s expectations to receive arms and the US no support of Israel and the United States expectations about observance of human rights in Saudi Arabia and providing air base and supply of oil are among the factors that have given serious stress and strain to the cooperative and friendly relations of the two. Unlike what it appears، the cold war between the United States within the framework of combination of realism and idealism had always been problematic. From the viewpoint of both sides، these relations are a necessary alliance but they are quite fragile. The present article is trying to support this hypothesis that the security strategy of the United States vis-à-vis Saudi Arabia after September 11 events had undergone certain changes. It changed from tense cooperation into the policy of containment-suppression. But this strategy did not last long and it could not also continue. After calming down of the post 11 September emotional eruption due to the objectives and interest of the United States it changed from an aggressive position to more moderate form which existed before. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
30 - The Impact of Ideology on Foreign Policy of Saudi Arabia vis-à-vis Iran (from 2003 onwards)
Mosavi Syed Mohammad Ramin Bakhshi TaliabiThe main purpose of the present article is the analysis and evaluation of ideological tendency of Saudi Arabia on its foreign policy after 2003 vis-à-vis the foreign policy of Islamic Republic of Iran. The relations of Iran and Saudi Arabia under the influence of MoreThe main purpose of the present article is the analysis and evaluation of ideological tendency of Saudi Arabia on its foreign policy after 2003 vis-à-vis the foreign policy of Islamic Republic of Iran. The relations of Iran and Saudi Arabia under the influence of the above ideological tendency of the latter had been subjected to great fluctuation. In fact the questions like Sunni and Wahhabi sect, the leadership of Islamic world, Saudi’s relationship with West have led to ideological confrontation with Iran and persuasion of a hostile policy towards Iran’s position. The present article examines the impact of the above said questions on unfriendly policies of Saudi Arabia towards Iran. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
31 - A Study of United States and Saudi Arabia's Reactions to people's Uprising in Bahrain (2011-2012)
Shahrooz Ebrahimi Mohammad Reza Salehi Syed Mohammad ParsaeiBahrain is one of the countries which under the impact of unsuitable political and social conditions and also under the inspiration of Islamic-Arabic awakening in the Middle East and North Africa is witnessing people’s uprising. The present paper is of the view th MoreBahrain is one of the countries which under the impact of unsuitable political and social conditions and also under the inspiration of Islamic-Arabic awakening in the Middle East and North Africa is witnessing people’s uprising. The present paper is of the view that the real cause of people’s uprising in Bahrain is in domestic factors and the structure of society and politics of that country. Saudi Arabia with a different motivation and interpretation on the morning of 14 March dispatched its forces and militarily intervened in Bahrain. The United States also for different reasons kept silent about these developments and in other instances it merely suggested holding of talks between the oppositions and Bahraini government and implementing reforms. The present article wants to answer three basic questions: 1.What are the grounds of people’s uprising in Bahrain? 2. On what logic and basis the United States has kept silent about Bahrain crisis? 3. What are the motivations of Saudi Arabia in militarily intervening in Bahrain? The underlying hypothesis is that the struggle for power and national interest at the macro and regional level for the United States and in regional and internal level for Saudi Arabia is basis of the United States and Saudi Arabia behaviour in Bahrain. The finding of the study shows the main cause of people’s uprising in Bahrain is the cleavage between the government and people due to unequal distribution of wealth, power and position. The United States wants to sustain its hegemony in international system by controlling the lifeline of energy in strategic Persian Gulf region. In this direction the United States wants to retain its security links with the countries of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council by military presence and opposition to Islamic Republic of Iran. To sum up, power and national interests justify the logic of the United States policy in Bahrain. On the other hand, the nature of political system of Saudi Arabia and the resultant fear of expansion of democracy to Saudi Arabia along with competition and regional opposition to Iran is the main motivation of Riyadh in question of Bahrain. The present paper by a descriptive-analytical method wants to study the above issue. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
32 - The Revolutionary Developments of Bahrain and Geopolitical and Religious Conflict of Iran and Saudi Arabia
Ali Adami Syed Mohammad Reza Mosavi Hossein Ali TootiBahrain is having important geopolitical value for regional and extra-regional powers. For this reason the developments which take place in Bahrain lead to the reactions and conflicting policies from those countries. With the emergence of Islamic awakening movement in B MoreBahrain is having important geopolitical value for regional and extra-regional powers. For this reason the developments which take place in Bahrain lead to the reactions and conflicting policies from those countries. With the emergence of Islamic awakening movement in Bahrain the countries who are opposing Iran, particularly Saudi Arabia, diverted the people’s attention from just protest movement of Bahraini people and raised the question of Iran’s interference in Bahrain internal affairs. The present article wants to know what are the roots of religious and geopolitical conflict of Iran and Saudi Arabia in relation to Bahrain and what impact these contradictions have had on relations of the two countries after the Islamic awakening?. The paper has concluded that these contradictions have started before the Islamic revolution of Iran and has reached its climax after the revolutionary developments in Bahrain and is still going on. Some of the important roots of these contradictions are Iran’s territorial claim on Bahrain( before the Islamic revolution), the Islamic revolution in Iran, provoking the revolutionary feelings of Shiites in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, the support of Iran for increasing role of the Shiites, the presence of Fifth Fleet Navy of the United States in Bahrain, the formation of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council against Iran playing important role in the region, military intervention of Saudi Arabia in Bahrain, arms race between Iran and Saudi Arabia and designing different scenarios for isolating Iran. The present article by a descriptive-analytical method wants to study the above issue. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
33 - An Investigation of the Reasons for Conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia (The Case Study Conflicts in Iraq, Bahrain, and Yemen)
Ehsan Khazri Seyed Hamzeh Safavi Amin ParhizkarAbstract: Iran and Saudi Arabia are two prominent countries in the Islamic World. They play important role in the Middle East region’s developments. The present article examines the developments of the three countries of Iraq, Bahrain and Yemen as the sphere of i MoreAbstract: Iran and Saudi Arabia are two prominent countries in the Islamic World. They play important role in the Middle East region’s developments. The present article examines the developments of the three countries of Iraq, Bahrain and Yemen as the sphere of influence of Iran and Saudi Arabia to find out the root cause competition and rivalry between the two governments and give suggestion for solving the problem. The aim of the present study is to show that the nature of the conflict between the two countries has roots in ideological consideration which originates from the prevalence of contrasting ideological and value system which has led to wide gulf between Iran and Saudi Arabia and strained regional relations. It seems that any attempt to strengthen the grounds of cooperation and interaction and attenuating the tension between the two depends on change in semantic structure of the two governments and flexibility on both sides. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
34 - ارتباط ژنتیکی بین چهار جمعیت گوسفند عربستان سعودی
R.S. Aljumaah M.A. Al-Shaikh H. Kibogo A. Kwallah Jianlin Jianlin O. Hanotte M.M. Musthafa F.M.M.T. Marikarچهار جمعیت گوسفند بومی عربستان سعودی، شامل نجدی، حبشی، عرب و نائمی، برای 16 نشانگر ریزماهواره توصیه شده توسط سازمان خواربار و کشاورزی ملل متحد (FAO) تعیین ژنوتیپ شدند. این مطالعه با هدف آگاهی از ساختار ژنتیکی این نژادها و ارائه پیشنهاداتی برای اجرای برنامه آمیختهگری بی Moreچهار جمعیت گوسفند بومی عربستان سعودی، شامل نجدی، حبشی، عرب و نائمی، برای 16 نشانگر ریزماهواره توصیه شده توسط سازمان خواربار و کشاورزی ملل متحد (FAO) تعیین ژنوتیپ شدند. این مطالعه با هدف آگاهی از ساختار ژنتیکی این نژادها و ارائه پیشنهاداتی برای اجرای برنامه آمیختهگری بین آنها انجام شد. کلیه جایگاههای ژنی در تمامی جمعیتها چندشکل بوده و کلیه جایگاهها به غیر از ILSTS044، ILSTS005، MAF209، HUJ616، OARFCB226 و SRCRSP09 در تعادل هاردی - واینبرگ بودند (05/0>P). تنوع ژنتیکی در این جمعیتها در سطح مناسبی بوده و هتروزیگوسیتی مورد انتظار به طور متوسط بین 759/0 تا 811/0 در نوسان بوده است. با در نظر گرفتن میزان کاهش هتروزیگوسیتی مشخص شد که همخونی در جمعیتهای مزبور در پایینترین سطح قرار دارد. کمترین فاصله ژنتیکی (013/0) بین جمعیتهای حبشی و نجدی و بیشترین فاصله ژنتیکی (146/0) بین جمعیتهای عرب و حبشی مشاهده شد. برآورد ضریب همخونی (FIS) برای همه جمعیتها، به غیر از جمعیت عرب معنیدار گردید (05/0>P). نشانگرهای مزبور توالییابی شده و درخت ژنتیکی برمبنای فاصله نااُریب با استفاده از نرمافزار MEGA 4 ترسیم گردید. برای مطالعه ارتباط ژنتیکی بین این جمعیتهای گوسفند، آنالیز مختصات اصلی بر مبنای فاصله استاندارد نِی انجام شد. نتایج حاکی از آن بود که اجرای یک برنامه حفاظت در این جمعیتهای گوسفند ضرورت دارد. زیرا اکثر آنها در معرض خطر همخونی قرار دارند. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
35 - Scientific articles of Iran and Islamic countries of Middle East indexed in Web of Science (WOS) during 2003-2007
abdalreza noroozi chakoli mohammad hasanzadehUsing library method and comparative analysis, this research deals with evaluating and comparing indexed scientific products of Iran, Turkey, Egypt, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia based on WoS during the 5 years between 2003 and 2007. The most important objectives of this r MoreUsing library method and comparative analysis, this research deals with evaluating and comparing indexed scientific products of Iran, Turkey, Egypt, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia based on WoS during the 5 years between 2003 and 2007. The most important objectives of this research include the comparison of articles of each country regarding ‘variety of language’, ‘variety of types of documents’, ‘subject areas’, ‘participant bodies’ and ‘number of articles and their growth rate’. Moreover, evaluation of ideality of performance of articles of these countries on the basis of the mingled indicator of “Average Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in comparison with the Indexed Scientific Products” is another issue discussed in this article. The results show that although Iran is placed between Turkey and Egypt regarding its number of articles in WoS, it is placed after these two countries considering its performance of indexed scientific products in WoS. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
36 - The Accountability Levels of Saudi Arabia towards United Nations Mechanisms (2009-2016)
Farzaneh Mostofi-far Fatemeh Hashemi Seyed Mohammad Kazem Sajadpoor -
Open Access Article
37 - The Consequences of Iran's Islamic Revolution on Saudi Shiites socio - political situation
Farzaneh Rahmati -
Open Access Article
38 - The Decline of the Structural Power of the United States of America and the Consequent Effects on the Relations Between Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran (2001-2020)
Sajjad Hasani Hassan Khodaverdi Garineh Keshishyan SirakiThe United States, as the dominant power in the structure of the international system, has been in decline since 9/11, and a gradual trend has emerged in its hegemonic position. Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two important regional players, were not unaffected by these chang MoreThe United States, as the dominant power in the structure of the international system, has been in decline since 9/11, and a gradual trend has emerged in its hegemonic position. Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two important regional players, were not unaffected by these changes in US power and the situation of this country in the structure of the international system. Changes in US power and position in this structure have also affected Saudi Arabia's relations with Iran in the Middle East security order. The question that arises in this regard is what effects the change in the position of the United States in the structure of the international system after 9/11 has had on the security order in the Middle East and, consequently, on the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. In the present article, an attempt is made to provide a suitable explanation of the subject by combining the theoretical propositions of neorealism and hegemonic stability using a descriptive-analytical method. The required information has been collected by library method and referring to valid internet sources. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
39 - The Consequences of Iran's Islamic Revolution on Saudi Shiites Socio - political Situation
Ahmad Jansiz Farzaneh Rahmati -
Open Access Article
40 - Investigating the Impact of President Joe Biden’s Government on the Relations between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, Emphasizing the Role of Iran
Khalill Janami Hamed Mohagheghnia Hossein Karimifard Hamed Ameri GolestaniThe crisis in Qatar's political relations with Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries took place on June 5, 2017, which followed the talks of the Emir of Qatar regarding the importance of Iran and interaction with it, and the severance of diplomatic relations between Qat MoreThe crisis in Qatar's political relations with Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries took place on June 5, 2017, which followed the talks of the Emir of Qatar regarding the importance of Iran and interaction with it, and the severance of diplomatic relations between Qatar and the four Arab countries led by Saudi Arabia. In the wake of this crisis, the Trump administration took a middle position and encouraging Qatar to accept Saudi’s conditions, especially regarding relations and interactions with Iran. It also undertook a wide diplomatic effort to reduce the crisis, but the differences in the positions of American officials such as Trump, Tillerson, Pompeo and other officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs brings to mind a kind of passivity and lack of determination in order to secure the strategic interests of the United States in the region. With the defeat of Trump in the 2020 presidential elections and the ascension of the Democrats to power and the change of priorities in the Persian Gulf region, especially in relation to Iran, it seems that the performance of the Biden administration regarding the crisis in the relations between Saudi Arabia and Qatar is different from that of the Trump administration. The signs of this change can be seen in the change of crisis level and reduction of tensions. This article aims to examine the diplomatic crisis between Saudi Arabia and Qatar from the perspective of the role of Iran and the view of the new administration of the United States of America and Joe Biden himself on this issue and to answer the basic question of how the variable of Iran can affect the role of the United States of America, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar have an impact on the diplomatic crisis that began between Qatar and Saudi Arabia in 2017, and what direction will the future crisis between the two countries go in the Biden administration, and what will be the impact of other influential factors in the Persian Gulf region? In this article, using the analytical-explanatory method and using library sources, it shows that the change in the approach of the Biden administration towards Iran will cause the position of Saudi Arabia to become softer towards Qatar, and accordingly, the tension between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, one of the main parts of which was Qatar's relations with Iran, to move towards the mitigation of the crisis and the resumption of relations. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
41 - The Opportunities of the Normalization of Ties between Saudi Arabia and Israel for the Axis of Resistance
Hamed Vaez Hassan Khodaverdi Garineh Keshishyan Siraki Mohammadreza DehshiriThe Middle East and North Africa constitute one of the strategic and most significant regions in the world with a turbulent history. The region witnessed the birth of various countries and tense developments from the second decade of the 20th century until the middle of MoreThe Middle East and North Africa constitute one of the strategic and most significant regions in the world with a turbulent history. The region witnessed the birth of various countries and tense developments from the second decade of the 20th century until the middle of the century, and most of the countries in the region, including Arabic countries and Israel, emerged during the period. In this regard, the countries in the region have experienced conflicts, wars, invasions, and, sometimes, peace, in their relations with Israel. The latest development in this respect is the Saudi-led normalization of ties between some Arabic countries and Israel to oppose Iran and its axis of resistance. Though this has posed a number of threats to Iran’s national security, some opportunities are evident in it, as well. Thus, the main question of the present study is what opportunities the normalization of ties between Saudi Arabia and Israel can have for the empowerment of the axis of resistance. The study utilizes a descriptive and analytical methodology to answer the question, and the overall result of the study – i.e., the tested hypothesis – shows that opportunities like the creation of chasms between the government and society in Saudi Arabia, the pressure felt by Fatah and the need to reconcile with Hamas, Muslims’ reaction to the negation of the Palestinian Dream by Saudis, the creation of chasms between the government and society of Israel, and the gradual withdrawal of the U.S. from the region are all factors that can boost the axis of resistance based on the existence of groups who oppose the process of normalization across Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the Islamic world at large. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
42 - Comparing the Relationship between Inflation and Inflation Uncertainty in Iran and Three OPEC Members
Elham Farnaghi Oranus Parivar Hamid TofighiBy employing conditional variance modeling and Granger causality test, we specified and compared the linkage between inflation and inflation uncertainty in Iran and three other OPEC members. To achieve this purpose we used consumer price index quarterly data for the yea MoreBy employing conditional variance modeling and Granger causality test, we specified and compared the linkage between inflation and inflation uncertainty in Iran and three other OPEC members. To achieve this purpose we used consumer price index quarterly data for the years 1985-2009. The results suggest strong evidence that shows that in all these countries the increase in inflation leads to increase in inflation uncertainty. But in reverse, only in Iran and Venezuela, a causal relationship from inflation uncertainty to inflation can be found Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
43 - A Comparative Study of Iranian-Saudi Foreign Policy in Yemen and Syria Crisis Based on Cubic Crisis Model
farzad jahanbein محمدجواد javadSyria and Yemen are now active focal points of unrest in the West Asian region, and Iran and Saudi Arabia are the most prominent actors in the crisis. An important issue for understanding and managing these two models. The country is in control of developments. The pres MoreSyria and Yemen are now active focal points of unrest in the West Asian region, and Iran and Saudi Arabia are the most prominent actors in the crisis. An important issue for understanding and managing these two models. The country is in control of developments. The present study seeks to answer the question of how the crisis in Iran and Saudi Arabia is perceived in terms of the crisis in Syria and Yemen and how they have managed the developments in these countries. The region is Iran's influence and Yemen is Saudi Arabia's backyard, so according to the three main components of the crisis, namely threat, time and awareness, the two countries differ in their perceptions of these crises. Iran is in an acute and threatening situation at point 'A', but the Yemeni crisis is due to the geographical distance from the direct line. The axis of resistance and the lower threat level for Iran is at the "C" point of the cube. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia considers the Syrian crisis an opportunity, so it is at the "C" point, the Yemeni crisis One of the most acute and threatening issues for Saudi Arabia is at point "A". Research findings indicate that Saudi Arabia and Iran's foreign policy is in sharp conflict with the Syrian and Yemeni crises; . Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
44 - Persian Gulf Arab Lobbies in the United States:Mechanisms and Goals
Alireza Madadi Hossein karimifard lena abdoulkhane Shiva JalalpourThe decentralized and pluralistic nature of power in the United States has allowed for a diverse and influential role for a diverse range of ethnic lobbies.Meanwhile, the Arabs of the southern Gulf have focused on lobbying as a reliable foreign policy tool and influenci MoreThe decentralized and pluralistic nature of power in the United States has allowed for a diverse and influential role for a diverse range of ethnic lobbies.Meanwhile, the Arabs of the southern Gulf have focused on lobbying as a reliable foreign policy tool and influencing US decision-making and policy-making.The scope and dimensions of lobbying and lobbying have increased significantly in recent years.In this connection, the main question of this study is: "What mechanisms and goals have been pursued by the Arab Gulf lobbies in the Persian Gulf since its inception?The findings of the paper suggest that the Arab Gulf lobbies of pluralistic trends and mechanisms such as embassies, foreign-registered lobbyists, individual lobbyists, oil companies, and sponsoring American thought toward goals such as Two-States solution their economic goals and interests, have been confronted with negative agendas, against positive portrayal of themselves, and ultimately with Iran.The present study is a descriptive-analytical one And information collection has also been done in a library-style way and through online resources. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
45 - Foreign policy strategy of Mohammed bin Salman and its security requirements for Iran
Omid Azizyan Hossein Rafie Ali Akbar JafariAfter entering the power system in Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, made great changes to the Saudi foreign policy strategy. By leaving the traditional strategy of defensive policy, he conducts an offensive strategy against Iran and the middle east and north Africa re MoreAfter entering the power system in Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, made great changes to the Saudi foreign policy strategy. By leaving the traditional strategy of defensive policy, he conducts an offensive strategy against Iran and the middle east and north Africa regions. Meanwhile, changing the coalition patterns in the region in the form of alliance with Israel, the NATO plan and trying to retain American military in the region has threatened national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. However, the present study aims to answer the question of what requirements the foreign policy strategy of Mohammad bin Salman in the region has created for the foreign policy and national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In this paper, "the security of the Copenhagen school" and "aggressive constructivism" have been used as a theoretical framework. Research methodology and data collecting are descriptive-analytical and library-documentary approaches. The findings indicate that the increasing closeness of Saudi to Israel, trying to create an Arab front along with Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, Riyadh 's attempt to move closer to the United States and bring this country to a wide contrast with Iran, has touched Iran 's national security at two levels of confrontation and detente. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
46 - Examining Saudi Arabia's position in US foreign policy regarding Iran's anti-hegemonic role.
sajad hasani arsalan ghorbani-e sheikhneshin Hassan Khodaverdi Garineh Keshishyan SirakiThe governing structure of the international system and, consequently, the Middle East order, which is influenced by the arrangement, competition, and interaction of regional actors and interregional intervening powers, have particular effects and consequences on the re MoreThe governing structure of the international system and, consequently, the Middle East order, which is influenced by the arrangement, competition, and interaction of regional actors and interregional intervening powers, have particular effects and consequences on the relations of actors in the Middle East. Organizes the surface of regular areas. The relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia and the patterns of interaction and friendship-enmity between the two countries are also a function of the formulations of the structure of the international system and the order of the Middle East. The question of the present article is that what effect does the anti-hegemonic emergence of the Islamic Republic of Iran have on the position of Saudi Arabia in US policy (considering the superior role of the US in the structure of the international system) in the West Asian region? Findings of the article Using neo-realist theoretical propositions show that Washington, in the context of its superior role in the structure of the international system, uses Riyadh as a geopolitical, geostrategic and geocultural weight to maintain balance. It looks at regional forces and countering the emergence and expansion of anti-hegemonic powers such as Iran. This article has been done through qualitative-interpretive method and inference of information through existing documents with descriptive-analytical approach and case information. The need has also been collected by taking methods from available and available sources, including: books, articles in domestic scientific research quarterly and foreign articles, reputable sites and Internet resources, and so on. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
47 - Impacts of Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 Programme on Foreign Policy Islamic Republic of Iran
Majid Abdollahi mohammadreza ghaedi maryam moradiThe influence of the foreign policy of any country on the actions and plans of other countries can move in positive or negative dimensions and show the behavior of governments in relation to each other. conciliatory or confrontational.In the Middle East region, we see d MoreThe influence of the foreign policy of any country on the actions and plans of other countries can move in positive or negative dimensions and show the behavior of governments in relation to each other. conciliatory or confrontational.In the Middle East region, we see different types of behavior and approaches in the foreign policy of the governments of this region. The plans that governments in this region are pursuing for development will affect foreign policy. The Saudi government has developed a Vision 2030 plan since 2016 in line with intra-country development measures and consequently to develop relations with its neighbors, as well as promote relations globally. So what is the main purpose of this article is to explain the effects of Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 program on foreign policy.A.It's Iran. To investigate this objective, the research method is descriptive-analytical, which is compiled by the library method and the use of internet sites, the findings in question. The main question posed is the role of Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 programme on foreign policy C.A.How is Iran? In this paper, the theoretical approach is to the theory of international regimes. The results of the research findings show that Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 program is based on the foreign policy approach of C.A.Iran and Saudi Arabia on foreign policy C.A.Iran is influential and foreign relations between both countries are affected by the program. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
48 - Explaining the change and continuity of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy approach towards Yemen; The role and impact of the Islamic Republic of Iran
Alireza Mohammadinigjeh Hossain Daheshiar nozar shafieeAbstract With the onset of what is known as the Arab Spring, it was inevitable for Iran and Saudi Arabia to play a role. These two important countries in the region took completely different positions regarding the current developments in the crisis-affected countries, MoreAbstract With the onset of what is known as the Arab Spring, it was inevitable for Iran and Saudi Arabia to play a role. These two important countries in the region took completely different positions regarding the current developments in the crisis-affected countries, including Yemen. After Iran's support for Ansarullah, Saudi Arabia launched a military attack on Yemen in April 2014. After 6 years of war, Saudi Arabia shifted towards engaging in political dialogue with the Yemeni side. The main issue of this article is why this change occurred. In response to this problem, using the explanatory-analytical method, it is argued that factors at three levels of analysis - domestic (Saudi Arabia), regional, and international - led to the Saudi military attack on Yemen and subsequent changes at these three levels. It is mentioned that this caused Saudi Arabia to opt for diplomacy. Meanwhile, Iran's role is examined at the regional level of analysis. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
49 - Russia's Middle East Policy and Conflict Management Tehran-Riyadh Relations
Reza Ekhtiari Hossein Rafie Atieh Bulbul AmiriWith the rise of Russian nationalists and Eurasianists, the Middle East has become strategically important in Russia's regional and global calculations. In this context, the development of relations with key actors in the Middle East subsystem, such as the Islamic Repub MoreWith the rise of Russian nationalists and Eurasianists, the Middle East has become strategically important in Russia's regional and global calculations. In this context, the development of relations with key actors in the Middle East subsystem, such as the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, has been one of Russia's foreign policy priorities. But Tehran and Riyadh are pursuing conflicting interests in the region, which poses a challenge to Russia's diplomatic apparatus. Given this issue, the research question is based on how Russia, while maintaining relations with Tehran and Riyadh, has managed the conflict in their relations in line with its regional interests? The hypothesis of the article is based on the fact that Russia has tried to establish independent relations with both countries simultaneously based on a completely realistic and pragmatic approach, in order to serve its regional as well as global interests. The research method is analytical-explanatory and the theoretical approach of realism has been used to explain the subject. Findings show that in relation to the issue of Iran's nuclear activities, regional influence and its presence in Syria, the confrontation of the Resistance Front with the Arab-Hebrew coalition and Iran's support for the Yemeni Houthis in the war With Saudi Arabia, Kremlin leaders ignored the Saudis' demands and instead pursued a policy of coordination with Tehran in the national interest. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
50 - The European Union’s Human Rights Policy towards Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia
زهرا الوندی داود کیانیAbstract In recent decades, the important part of dominant soul of the relations between European Union-EU and other countries has been formed of the human rights subjects and problems. European Union, with the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, entered the respect conditions t MoreAbstract In recent decades, the important part of dominant soul of the relations between European Union-EU and other countries has been formed of the human rights subjects and problems. European Union, with the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, entered the respect conditions to human rights for third world countries as essential element and also shows the high sensitive than to human rights subjects. Concerning the EU Relations with Islamic Republic of Iran and Southern States of Persian Gulf, it has always been truth. Current paper, reviews the European Union’s Human Rights Policy towards I.R.­ Iran and Saudi Arabia as Comparatively. This paper tries to analyze the violations of human rights standards, defined by European Union, towards Iran and Saudi Arabia and also reviews the effect of its behavior on foreign policy for European Union towards these two countries. Key words: European Union, Human Rights Policy, Islamic Republic of Iran, Saudi Arabia. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
51 - Anatomy of Pink Revolution in Yemen and the Role of Saudi Arabia in Its Repression
Habibollah Abolhassan Shirazi Seyed Reza MazlumAbstract The emergence of colored revolutions in the Middle East countries was an unexpected event in the early years of the third era. The Yemeni Pink Revolution followed the initial stages of the Tunisian Yasmin Revolution and occurred simultaneously with the Egyptia MoreAbstract The emergence of colored revolutions in the Middle East countries was an unexpected event in the early years of the third era. The Yemeni Pink Revolution followed the initial stages of the Tunisian Yasmin Revolution and occurred simultaneously with the Egyptian Lotus Revolution and other mass protests in the Middle East in early 2011. Protests in Yemen were initially escalated to calls for Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh to resign. For much of the year in 2011, demonstrators have been camped in a sprawling tent city near the university, in Sanaa, flying pinki banners and singing protest songs on a stage. But unity among the antigovernment forces- focusing solely on the goal of deposing Saleh- has splintered. But during recent years, Saleh’s state used all possible instruments against protesters and with support of foreign countries has faced with crises such as war against Al-hosi shiites. Entering the field of military conflict with Shiite militant groups in nearly seven years, six full-scale war with the warriors Al-hosy have to deal with the uprising in the territories of southern Yemen and the dangers of intense activities of Wahhabism led to the growing of people's dissatisfaction with the political system in this country which created variables for challenging. Saudi Arabia trying to expand Wahhabi tradition in her country in order to repress the Shiites and deal with the Shiites in Bahrain, Saudi influence in fear lest they be.Saudi bombing in the Shiite areas in Yemen and doing a proxy war and interventionist policies on behalf the Arab Muslim countries such as Bahrainled military presence as "island shields" to calm the Bahraini Shiites to be.On the other hand, the economic objectives of America and Saudi Arabia, the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries and the joint is aligned so that they are trying to suppress the revolution in Bahrain. The aim of this paper is to identify how the maturing of the revolution in this country, but Saudi cooperation with the help of American has tried to suppress it. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
52 - Impact of Insecurity on Development of Neoterrorism in the Middle East An Approach to Iran and Saudi Arabia
Amir Heshmati Alireza RezaeiAbstract Over the recent years, expansion of neo-terrorist groups in the Middle East has shaped a wave of various security threats in the area. Although credible news has been published on downfall and destruction of organizational and logistical cores of these groups i MoreAbstract Over the recent years, expansion of neo-terrorist groups in the Middle East has shaped a wave of various security threats in the area. Although credible news has been published on downfall and destruction of organizational and logistical cores of these groups in Iraq and Syria, there are valid documents suggesting that scattered actions still continue by currents depended on ISIS. Various researches were carried out focusing on root causes of development of neo-terrorism and several measures were taken to confront terrorist acts. Nevertheless, at regional level, there is no effective experiment available on investigations and measures taken to identify the nature of insecurity. This is a qualitative research conducted with descriptive-analytic approach aimed at finding how did identity insecurity of Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia influence the development of neo-terrorism in the Middle East? According to the researcher, unrestrained prevention of biographic narration by Iran and Saudi Arabia , added to creating identity insecurity for both countries, triggered or exacerbated the anxiety caused by shame in credence and regional behavior of these actors, prevented earning honor policy, and in an unplanned manner, led to development of neo-terrorism in the region. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
53 - Power Vacuum and it's Impacts on the Middle East Security
Mokhtar Salehi Rahman ZareSituation of Middle East's Security is being Complex, Uncertain and Ambiguous. Notwithstanding, there are many Reasons that have Created this Situation, the Great Power Vacuum in Middle East has an Important Role in the Region's Instability. the Main Subject of this Ess MoreSituation of Middle East's Security is being Complex, Uncertain and Ambiguous. Notwithstanding, there are many Reasons that have Created this Situation, the Great Power Vacuum in Middle East has an Important Role in the Region's Instability. the Main Subject of this Essay is what Does the Power Vacuum Has Impacted on the Middle East Security? Hypothetically, the Influence of United States in the Middle East Specially in the Era of Obama's Presidency has been Reduced and Simultaneously the Main Actors in the Region Such as Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia tries to increase their Powers and Influences in the Region. With According to this Situation, there isn't Great Power as a Regulator in the Region and its leads to the Divergent Situation in the Middle East. Reduction of Insecurity and Promote of Stability in the Region Are Depend on Cooperation Among Middle East Countries for Achieving Regional Sustainable Security. Theoretically, this Paper is Based on the Offensive Realism. Methodologically, in this Essay We Use Descriptive, Analytical and Explanatory Methods. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
54 - Reviewing Saudi Interactions with the Human Rights Council
Abbasali Talebi Reza Jalali Amir SajediAbstract Following the establishment of the Human Rights Council in March 2006, the human rights situation in Saudi Arabia has been considered by many in this institution. Given the widespread, qualified and sensitive nature of the Council's abuses of human rights abus MoreAbstract Following the establishment of the Human Rights Council in March 2006, the human rights situation in Saudi Arabia has been considered by many in this institution. Given the widespread, qualified and sensitive nature of the Council's abuses of human rights abuses in Saudi Arabia, the question was raised about the mechanisms of monitoring and mechanisms How did the council work on how Al Saud behaved toward respect for women's rights within national borders and how far Saudi Arabia has been in line with the idea of universal human rights and what has changed? In response to the above question, it has been suggested that it seems that the monitoring mechanisms and executive mechanisms of the Saudi Human Rights Council have required reforms and compliance with human rights requirements. Research findings show firstly that country recommendations Regarding periodic reports and appointment of special reporters, there has been a greater impact on the promotion of the status of women's rights, and secondly, the traditional context in which the ideas and ideas of people and community officials were conceived and seriously violated the rights of women is under reconstruction. Thirdly, the women's efforts and their alignment with the pressures of the Human Rights Council and the media it has been the founder of a new order, which is characterized by a change in the gender system. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
55 - The evolution of military-economic relations between the United States and Saudi Arabia, 1943- 2019
morteza karimi mohammadjavad aghajeri mohammad mojaver sheykhanWashington-Riyadh Defense Cooperation has a long history. Relations between Saudi Arabia and the United States have two different goals. The most important goal of the Saudi government to strengthen its relationship with the United States is "security," calling for Wash MoreWashington-Riyadh Defense Cooperation has a long history. Relations between Saudi Arabia and the United States have two different goals. The most important goal of the Saudi government to strengthen its relationship with the United States is "security," calling for Washington to support Al Saud in Saudi Arabia and at the level of the West Asian region, but the United States continues to have a relationship with Saudi Arabia, in addition to its defense From the Zionist regime, he pursues most of the "economic" goals. This article looks at the causes of the evolution of this collaboration. The authors are trying to show that the defense cooperation between the two countries was essentially due to the formation of a patron-to-follow relationship between them in the 1940s and then to the development of this relationship in the decades to come. In fact, what we are seeing is that, with the deepening and expansion of the patronage relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States during the period under review, military cooperation between them has seen considerable quantitative and qualitative growth so that at this time of Saudi Arabia after Israel and Pahlavi Iran became the third US military partner in the Middle East. The important question is, how does the United States play a major role for Saudi Arabia in the Middle East? The hypothesis is that the United States is not only providing weapons, military training, and building military infrastructure for Saudi Arabia, but also defining its defense strategy. As a result, the United States has played a major role in the formation and modernization of Saudi military forces. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
56 - Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran Strategy towards the Crisis in Yemen
Seyed Ali Nejat Raziyeh Musavi Mohammadreza SaremiAbstract Relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the past years had turned cold with military attack on Yemen and Saudi Arabia accuse Iran of military and political support for the movement Ansar Allah, their opposition was procedural. Therefore, this essay is to ex MoreAbstract Relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the past years had turned cold with military attack on Yemen and Saudi Arabia accuse Iran of military and political support for the movement Ansar Allah, their opposition was procedural. Therefore, this essay is to explain the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia is responsible for the crisis in Yemen. In this regard, the author using descriptive - analytical and comparative approach, to answer the fundamental question that the Islamic Republic of Iran, Saudi Arabia and Yemen have adopted a strategy for the crisis? In response to the question of Saudi Arabia has tried to form a coalition and military intervention in Yemen, Ansar Allah movement from the political power and in line with the current arrangements in the power structure of Iran's influence in the new government of Yemen to prevent it. Iran's spiritual and political support for the movement Ansar Allah and the revolutionaries in Yemen has been trying to alter the balance of regional power to their advantage. The results of this suggest that competition and conflict of interests between Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran on the crisis in Yemen, has created a zero-sum game. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
57 - Russia’s Balancing Behavior in Middle East: Case Study of Iran and Saudi Arabia (2012-2018)
Seyed Hasan MirfakhraeiAbstract Considering the first signs of shaping of a new regional order in the Middle East since 2011, Russia has taken new approaches toward this critical region. The approaches which show regaining Moscow’s role in this area. However, due to the new complexitie MoreAbstract Considering the first signs of shaping of a new regional order in the Middle East since 2011, Russia has taken new approaches toward this critical region. The approaches which show regaining Moscow’s role in this area. However, due to the new complexities, the current Middle East is basically different to the past. The states are more independent and inter-connections in various areas has led to shaping complicated fronts; that each of them requires particular patterns of relations between the players. These complexities caused emergence of an empirical balancing behavior by Moscow toward regional states. The behavior based on specific approaches such as direct military intervention, counter terrorism, shaping anti-West coalitions and following up international energy strategies. The main components of Russia's balancing behavior can be summarized in emphasis on functional dimensions, playing with all state actors, task division without confrontation and interaction with non-state actors. This approach has been adopted Russia’s relations with Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two key regional actors with opposite and sometimes contradictory interests, and has resulted in well and balanced relations with the two countries. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
58 - Impact of Wahhabi Influence in Pakistan onto Relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran
Hossein RafieThe alliance of Wahhabi Sheikh and the Saudi Emir in the 18th century and its historical persistence caused the establishment of the Arabia government in the twentieth century and the Wahhabism becomes the official religion of this country. The Saudi government exploits MoreThe alliance of Wahhabi Sheikh and the Saudi Emir in the 18th century and its historical persistence caused the establishment of the Arabia government in the twentieth century and the Wahhabism becomes the official religion of this country. The Saudi government exploits the publicity and propaganda of this sect to attract the views of Wahhabi clergymen and as its influencing and diplomacy tool in Islamic countries. The oil wealth has provided the necessary funds in this area for Saudi government. Pakistan has also been apt to the influence of Saudi Wahhabism due to some grounds, the influence that can be exploited to limit the influence of rival Iran and disturb the relations of Iran and Pakistan. This paper aims to investigate the grounds and influence of Saudi Wahhabism in Pakistan and analyse the effect of this influence on the relations of Pakistan and Iran. In this way, by employing the analytical-descriptive method and benefiting the credible library based resources, this assumption is exposed to test that the religious similarities as well as economic and cultural poverty in Pakistan alongside the financial power and the publicity-educative centres under the control and influence of Arabia, have been the ground maker of birth and expansion of Wahhabi Salafism in Pakistan. Considering the serious conflict of this sect with Shiite religion, the Wahhabi Salafism enters the action from confrontation gate against Shiites and creating challenge in the relations of Pakistan and Shiite Iran. The research data confirms the research assumption of this article. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
59 - therolee of the foreeign policy discourse of the islamic revolution in the rreestablishment of relations beetween iran and saudi arabia
amirhossin mirahmadi Akbar Ashrafi Abolhassan shirazi reza jalaliThe Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two main and effective regional players, have played and will continue to play an influential role in the relations and geopolitical developments of the Persian Gulf. In the last decade and due to many political develop MoreThe Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two main and effective regional players, have played and will continue to play an influential role in the relations and geopolitical developments of the Persian Gulf. In the last decade and due to many political developments, the relations between these two actors faced serious challenges and the tensions between them have played a destructive role in the region.The foreign policy discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran, despite elements such as: culture of resistance, rejection of dominance, religious democracy and the spirit of martyrdom in its discourse, succeeded in bringing Saudi Arabia to the negotiating table and after nearly seven years of breaking relations and The pervasive and escalating tension will re-establish relations between the two regional powers.Using the method of discourse analysis and extraction of existing elements, in the foreign policy discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the role of the aforementioned discourse in re-establishing the relationship between the two countries is investigated. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
60 - A Survey of the Yemeni Crisis: Developments, Roots, Actors and Strategies for the End of the Crisis
Garineh Keshishyan Siraki soheil soheiy najafabadiThe Yemeni crisis is the result of inefficient political structures and the lack of a fair distribution of power and resources at the social level, and adds to this the involvement of foreign powers such as Saudi Arabia, The United States, Russia, Britain, Israel, the P MoreThe Yemeni crisis is the result of inefficient political structures and the lack of a fair distribution of power and resources at the social level, and adds to this the involvement of foreign powers such as Saudi Arabia, The United States, Russia, Britain, Israel, the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, Egypt and Islamic Republic of Iran. In general, they can be identified at two levels of internal and external crisis factors. Accordingly, the main question of the paper is that "the factors involved in the Yemeni crisis, including the process of transformation, the roots of the crisis and its actors, and what are the solutions to this crisis coming out of the future?" As a result of the whole article, it is concluded that due to the problems of the internal structure of Yemen, such as tribalism and the failure of the process of nation-state building in this country, as well as the competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran, as well as other regional powers of the Middle East and major powers in this country; The Yemeni crisis may end in one of the following four situations: Establishing a balance of power between the groups and their supporting countries, the victory of one of the forces and its supporting states, namely the Yemeni government or the victory of Ansarullah, the intervention of the UN Security Council to establish a temporary ceasefire to begin the process of peace negotiations and national reconciliation. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
61 - The Role of Identity in the Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia From 2005 to 2018 with emphasis on constructivism theory
Mehdi Shirazian Garineh Keshishyan SirakiThe Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are important countries in the turbulent Middle East region. The fields of conflict and conflict in the two countries' relations go back to the past decades. But in the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution, and especially in MoreThe Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are important countries in the turbulent Middle East region. The fields of conflict and conflict in the two countries' relations go back to the past decades. But in the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution, and especially in the last decade, the pattern of identity-based conflict has been ruled by the two countries. The critical centers of crisis in the two countries' relations lie in the conservative Wahhabi-Salafi-Arab conservative identity on the one hand and Iran's revolutionary-Shiite identity on the other. Identity has shaped the interests and security structure of the two countries in relation to each other. In Iranian-Saudi relations, along with other subjective factors such as culture, ideology, and objective factors such as geopolitical competition, energy, and identity, it is important. The role of the structure of the international system and the policies of the great powers in intensifying the identity conflicts between the two countries are also prominent. The research method in this study is qualitative in nature and in terms of fundamental and descriptive methods. This study, with the theoretical framework of constructivism, shows that the lack of a shared identity as a critical focus of the crisis lies in the two countries' relations and is an identity conflict that exacerbates and perpetuates other sources of tension and inequality between the two countries. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
62 - The Impact of Identity Confrontation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia on Regional Security Policies of the Two Countries (Case Study of Yemen)
Saeed totonchi Majid golparvar ALi bagherizadehOne of the most important of them has been formed in Yemen. This research tries to answer the question of the identity-seeking confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia on the transformation of the regional security policies of the two countries by applying the constr MoreOne of the most important of them has been formed in Yemen. This research tries to answer the question of the identity-seeking confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia on the transformation of the regional security policies of the two countries by applying the constructivist theoretical framework and using the descriptive-analytical method. And what consequences has it had in the developments in Yemen? The hypothesis of the research shows that the regional security policies of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran, affected by the identity-seeking confrontation of the two countries, have moved in the opposite direction during the past decade and have caused and intensified conflicts in the region. Clearly, the identity conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia has led to the intervention and conflict of the two countries in Yemen, so that after nearly a decade since the beginning of the crisis in this country, there is no clear prospect for its solution and management. to be The expansion of Shiism in the Islamic Republic of Iran against the Wahhabism of Saudi Arabia, a different view of the West, and the confrontation and proxy wars in some countries in the region such as Syria and Yemen are among the most important effects of the identity-seeking confrontation of the two countries on politics. The regional issues of the two countries - religious politics, looking towards the West and proxy conflicts in the region - have been. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
63 - Struggle for Regional Power Position: Iran-Saudi Arabia in the Middle East
mahdieh heydariIran - Saudi Arabia, the two most powerful powers have always sought to maximize power equations and gain the highest position in the Middle East. Although these two actors have managed to showcase their strength in the region at some point in history, they have always MoreIran - Saudi Arabia, the two most powerful powers have always sought to maximize power equations and gain the highest position in the Middle East. Although these two actors have managed to showcase their strength in the region at some point in history, they have always faced many challenges due to the inconsistency of national requirements and international requirements. For example, before the Islamic Revolution, with the backing of the United States, Iran succeeded in asserting its power in the region; Could not. Now, with this descriptive-analytical research method, this research seeks to answer the question of what are the requirements of the Saudi-Iranian competition for a regional power plan in the Middle East? The provisional hypothesis is that gaining regional status in the Middle East requires both actors to have both material and immaterial power, as well as the behavior and policies of other regional and transnational governments. The findings of the study, by applying neoclassical realism theory, and analyzing the requirements of the power plan, at two levels of micro and macro analysis, suggest that the existence of different national capacities, relying on, or opposing the existing order, prevents one of these two states from topping. Over the Middle East's power equations. The method of gathering data and data is based on the library method. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
64 - Sports diplomacy, a strategy to improve political relations with Saudi Arabia
Mohammad Bidgoli asghar rajabi dehborzoei Abdullah IraqiThe relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia have faced many challenges in the last few decades. The use of sports and sports diplomacy has recorded a documented experience in the history of world sports diplomacy. Based on this, the current resea MoreThe relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia have faced many challenges in the last few decades. The use of sports and sports diplomacy has recorded a documented experience in the history of world sports diplomacy. Based on this, the current research seeks to answer the question of how sports diplomacy can be a suitable strategy for improving political relations with Saudi Arabia. The findings of the research, taking into account Alexander Van Moyd's point of view, are the predominance of Kantian's point of view or friendship over Lackey's point of view or competition based on sports diplomacy. In this article, according to the strategic requirements and regional considerations of Tehran and Riyadh, which want to normalize relations and end several years of hostility and competition, we use a descriptive-analytical method, relying on written library sources and internet articles on sports diplomacy. We have used it as a suitable strategy to improve political relations with Saudi Arabia. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
65 - The regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia and its impact on the security of the Persian Gulf based on offensive realism
Nader MolaeianThis article is prepared and organized based on the security conditions of the Persian Gulf and providing solutions for stability and security in this sensitive international region. Stable security in this geo-strategic, geo-cultural and geo-political region of the wor MoreThis article is prepared and organized based on the security conditions of the Persian Gulf and providing solutions for stability and security in this sensitive international region. Stable security in this geo-strategic, geo-cultural and geo-political region of the world is of great importance due to the route of energy passage and estimation of more than 90% of fossil energies (in 2030). The geography of the Persian Gulf, which is separated from the Sea of Oman by the Strait of Hormuz, consists of the following countries: Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Qatar, which are important and vital for the world in terms of economy and fossil energy production. Is. Britain's withdrawal from this region and its replacement by the United States in 1970 has caused many ups and downs in this region of the Middle East. This year, the United States used the two countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia as two pillars of regional security to reduce the tension between the two countries and a barrier against communism in a plan called the Nixon-Kessinger doctrine (two-pillar security). Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
66 - The role of Yemen's internal developments in the regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in 2010-2020
narjes arabshahi behnaz azhdariThe continuous and stable competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Middle East region has a long history,and according to internal,regional and international tensions and issues,the rules of their behavior and performance are different from each other.The politi MoreThe continuous and stable competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Middle East region has a long history,and according to internal,regional and international tensions and issues,the rules of their behavior and performance are different from each other.The political approach emanating from this competition has been less based on cooperation,more based on confrontation and sometimes conflict. Yemen's internal developments after the Arab Spring, and Saudi Arabia's role as a godfather to this country due to Yemen's strategic location, caused Saudi Arabia to adopt a hostile policy.Accusing Iran of supporting Yemen's Ansarullah turned this crisis-stricken country into a field of competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia. This research seeks to answer the question, what role does Yemen's internal developments play in the regional political competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia?The hypothesis of the research in response to the question is that the internal developments in Yemen have caused the direction of the aggressive foreign policy of Saudi Arabia towards Iran.The purpose of the research is to investigate the role of the Houthis in the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and the method of data collection is the use of library and internet documents. The findings of the research show that Saudi Arabia has made a systematic change in its foreign policy under the title of "Salman Doctrine" due to the challenges facing the region.The competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the field of Yemen is analyzed in the framework of Barry Buzan's regional security theory as a theoretical framework. Manuscript profile -
Open Access Article
67 - Constructivism and the Logic of Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia Confrontation
Mohammad Reza DehshiriIslamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia as two regional and influential powers in the Middle East and Persian Gulf region have always had a tensional and confrontational rivalry towards each other, to the point that we can say that the competition and the divergence c MoreIslamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia as two regional and influential powers in the Middle East and Persian Gulf region have always had a tensional and confrontational rivalry towards each other, to the point that we can say that the competition and the divergence constitute a part of their bilateral relations. The ambition of both countries for the leadership of chia world or Sunni world, the huge oil resources and the considerable human sources are considered as their assets which have given them the potentiality to play an active role in the Middle East as well as in the Muslim World. As the activities of these two actors is considered generally as conflictual and computational, we can say that based on the constructivist theory, the absence of common values, norms, rules, identity and perceptions represent the main factors of their rivalry and the non-establishment of a solid relationship between two countries. Manuscript profile
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