کیهان برزگر Articles List

List of Articles کیهان برزگر

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1 - Necessities and obstacles in Iran-Turkmenistan Relations
Zahra Tavakoli Kayhan Barzegar Majid Tavasoli RoknAbadi

At present, Iran's neighborhood with the Central Asian region is based on Iran's geographical capacity. Turkmenistan is one of the countries in the region that is important for the foreign policy apparatus based on the principle of neighborhood policy and having a commo More

At present, Iran's neighborhood with the Central Asian region is based on Iran's geographical capacity. Turkmenistan is one of the countries in the region that is important for the foreign policy apparatus based on the principle of neighborhood policy and having a common border.In this regard, the question of this article is, has Iran been successful in using the capacities of its neighborhood policy towards Turkmenistan? It seams, it should be said that despite the special features of Turkmenistan's neighborhood for Iran, Iran has not taken advantage of this opportunity as it should For reasons such as; Lack of macro strategy and clear strategy towards this country in the foreign policy apparatus, influence of regional and international actors, especially the United States Basically, one of the main conditions and principles in neighborhood policy is the satisfaction of neighbors with each other and one of its main pillars is to maintain and establish stability in relations. It also identifies all existing capabilities in the economic, political, security and cultural fields. This principle has not been very much established in the relations between the two countries, despite the expression of mutual desires and needs of the two countries. Therefore, Iran should take serious steps to increase bilateral interactions in all recognized dimensions and serious participation in regional cooperation. Manuscript profile
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2 - Influence of ISIS in Central Asia and its Impact on Iran's National Security
Zahra Tavakoli Kayhan Barzegar Majid Tavasoli roknabadi

In this study, the dangers of ISIS's Influence in Central Asia and its impact on Iran's national security are examined. Failed and fragile states in Central Asia do not have the ability to promote prosperity, security, education, and awareness for their people. As a res More

In this study, the dangers of ISIS's Influence in Central Asia and its impact on Iran's national security are examined. Failed and fragile states in Central Asia do not have the ability to promote prosperity, security, education, and awareness for their people. As a result, conditions are ripe for the people to lean towards extremism. Due to the presence of takfiri extremism on the western borders of Iran (Iraq and Syria), there are serious risks of this spreading to its eastern borders in Central Asia. Despite the existing hegemony between Iran and Russia and their mutual efforts to stop this current in the region, should the extremism on both sides of its borders join hands, Iran’s security will be seriously compromised in three ways to face serious challenges. Firstly, the extremism will span on its northern, eastern, and western borders; secondly, regional and trans-regional actors will use takfiri extremism for their strategic rivalries; and thirdly, a worsening case in Afghanistan will impact Iran’s security. Thus, focusing on “Regional and trans-regional convergence” can be the most important strategy for Iran to deal with this phenomenon. Manuscript profile
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3 - The Role of Qassem Soleimani's "Proxy Resistance" Strategy in the Withdrawal of Military Forces America from the Region
Morteza Mahmoudvand Kayhan Barzgar Ibrahim Mottaghi

This article investigates that how the “proxy resistance” strategy of Major General Qasem Soleimani has led to the weakening of the U.S. oriented political-security trends, ultimately providing the grounds for the gradual withdrawal of U.S. military forces f More

This article investigates that how the “proxy resistance” strategy of Major General Qasem Soleimani has led to the weakening of the U.S. oriented political-security trends, ultimately providing the grounds for the gradual withdrawal of U.S. military forces from the areas of the axis of resistance. The hypothesis of this article is that with creation of a network of Iran’s friendly militia forces in the region and their overt and covert operations against the U.S. traditional hegemonic trend, commander Soleimani was able to heighten the costs of the direct presence American forces on the grounds in the West Asia region. Indeed, the U.S. inability to manage the regional crises in the post-conflict situation and its failure in the designated state-building projects has caused the weakening of U.S. role in the crises field of the region. This geopolitical development, has led to the inefficacy of the U.S. traditional role and influence over regional political groups in forming and continuing coalitional governments, subsequently providing the opportunity for opposing with the U.S. military presence in the host countries. To examine this hypothesis, the authors apply the defensive realism theory that considers the countries’ reaction to the threat in time of crisis based on increasing their relative security. The authors use historical-analytical method to conduct this research. Field and qualitative observations have also impacted the degree of authors’ understanding of this concept. In the end, this article concludes that the proxy resistance strategy of general Soleimani has weakened the position of the U.S. in world politics and before its regional allies, and this development has enhanced the regionalism trend in the West Asia region in favor of Iran. Manuscript profile
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4 - Evaluative Approach to the Foreign Policy of Islamic Republic of Iran: with an Emphasis on East and Shanghai Cooperative Organization
کیهان برزگر علی آدمی

Researches on the strategies toward the nations of East Asia aim to evaluate the possibilities of attaining political and security interests of Islamic republic of Iran in case of increasing cooperation with these nations. Present Iranian strategies toward East are so f More

Researches on the strategies toward the nations of East Asia aim to evaluate the possibilities of attaining political and security interests of Islamic republic of Iran in case of increasing cooperation with these nations. Present Iranian strategies toward East are so formulated to make Iran able to neutralize the negative ramification of unilateral confrontation approaches taken by the West against Iran. So, it is tried in this article to examine how Iran could pursue its national interest within the nations of East Asia. These nations with their somewhat contrasting ideological approaches provide unfavorable conditions for Iran to formulate a coherent strategy for mutual cooperation in various areas of significant to Iran. This author believes that regionalism with an eastern approach best serves our national interest at the present time. Identity and cultural similarities’ of Islamic republic of Iran with those of these nations in East Asia provides an ample opportunity for us to pursue our security and economic objectives. Pursuing a coherent policy could provide and ensure the strategic and security necessities in the long run. Shanghai Cooperation Organization with two permanent members (Russia and China) of UN Security Council having more than one-third of the world population, vast territory and economic ability heralds a potentially powerful coalition in the future. Islamic republic of Iran with its present observation role in this organization and also the demand to become its permanent members leads to certain implications which within the framework and opportunities of membership facilitate the analysis of Iranian foreign policy. In this article, we aim to assess Iranian membership in this organization on four dimensions of Iranian politics, security, economic and culture. On this basis, we first apply theoretical explanations of the origin and continuation of Shanghai Organization. Having done this, we then study the effect of Iranian membership in this organization on dimensions of politics, security, economic and culture. Finally, the probability and improbability of Iran to become the permanent member of Shanghai Organization will be discussed and suggestions, based on our findings, will be made to the Iranian diplomatic approach. Manuscript profile

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