Political-Security Pathology of Sistan and Baluchistan Province from the Perspective of the Indicators of Institutionalism Theory
Subject Areas :hezbollah shahnavazi 1 , Armin Amini 2 , Yaser Kahrazeh 3
1 - PhD student, Department of Political Science-Iranian Issues, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Zahedan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zahedan, Iran
2 - Department of Political Science, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran
3 - Department of Political Science, Zahedan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zahedan, Iran
Keywords: Sistan and Baluchistan, political threats, security, violence, institutionalism index,
Abstract :
In Iran, all the border areas of the country where the majority of Iranian ethnic groups live are underprivileged and underdeveloped, and ethnic elites are not present in any of the macro and middle administrations, and the diversity of ethnic groups is not viewed as a positive thing and is considered as a threat. The type of security approach to the thinking of radical and ex-tremist groups in the region has caused Sistan and Baluchistan to not have a place in Iran's development basket worthy of the province in the development policies of the country. This article seeks to answer this question by providing a correct analysis based on the institutional approach to political and security damage in Sistan and Baluchistan province. The research method is qualitative and analytical-descriptive. The findings showed that Sistan and Baluchi-stan has not enjoyed a favorable situation in terms of political, economic, and social indicators compared to the neighboring provinces, and in the future, it will cause threats, political and security violence in this province. In recent decades, a number of favorable institutional and governance indicators and relatively favorable economic and social achievements have been realized in Sistan and Baluchistan province. However, with a realistic approach, it should be said that in relation to economic and social indicators, Sistan and Baluchistan province has relatively serious distances from the ideal point, so that the people of these regions and the Sunnis have a sense of experiencing economic, social and political discrimination.
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International Journal of Political Science
ISSN: 2228-6217
Vol 13, No 3, Sep 2023, (pp.117 -130)
Political-Security Pathology of Sistan and Baluchistan Province from the Perspective of the Indicators of Institutionalism Theory
Hezbollah Shahnavazi1, Armin Amini2*, Yaser Kahrazeh3
1, 2*Department of Political Science, Karaj Branch, Islamic Azad University, Karaj, Iran
3Department of Political Science, Zahedan Branch, Islamic Azad University, Zahedan, Iran
Received: 19 July 2023 ; Accepted: 18 Sep 2023
Abstract
In Iran, all the border areas of the country where the majority of Iranian ethnic groups live are underprivileged and underdeveloped, and ethnic elites are not present in any of the macro and middle administrations, and the diversity of ethnic groups is not viewed as a positive thing and is considered as a threat. The type of security approach to the thinking of radical and extremist groups in the region has caused Sistan and Baluchistan to not have a place in Iran's development basket worthy of the province in the development policies of the country. This article seeks to answer this question by providing a correct analysis based on the institutional approach to political and security damage in Sistan and Baluchistan province. The research method is qualitative and analytical-descriptive. The findings showed that Sistan and Baluchistan has not enjoyed a favorable situation in terms of political, economic, and social indicators compared to the neighboring provinces, and in the future, it will cause threats, political and security violence in this province. In recent decades, a number of favorable institutional and governance indicators and relatively favorable economic and social achievements have been realized in Sistan and Baluchistan province. However, with a realistic approach, it should be said that in relation to economic and social indicators, Sistan and Baluchistan province has relatively serious distances from the ideal point, so that the people of these regions and the Sunnis have a sense of experiencing economic, social and political discrimination.
Key words: Sistan and Baluchistan, political threats, security, violence, institutionalism index
*Corresponding Author’s Email: Arminamini8@gmail.com |
Introduction
Providing security has been one of the basic and permanent concerns of humans throughout history. History is a witness to the claim that humans have resorted to various solutions and methods over time to obtain stable security (Mojtahedzadeh, 2002: p. 41). Borders define the boundaries of nations and countries and therefore represent the country-nations. At the same time, borders are a tool of the country's policy, a manifestation and a means of power, and a determinant of national security. Political borders refer to a spatial phenomenon that reflects the territory and sovereignty of a state and, according to certain rules, create barriers to the movement of people, the transfer of goods, or the spread of ideas, or at least limit them (Andalib, 2001: p.3). There is a reciprocal relationship between security and development. At the same time, in the shadow of security, peace and stability, sustainable growth and development also gain meaning and meaning. On the other hand, development makes the country safer and makes it more capable in facing security challenges. For this reason, developing countries have more limited abilities to deal with the many challenges that threaten their security - compared to developed countries (Rohani and others, p. 1389). The concepts of security and development have changed a lot in recent decades, so that security in the past was more about protecting a country against foreign invasion or civil conflicts and wars; But today this concept includes job security, income security, cultural and social security, judicial security, health security, environmental security, security from crimes and the like.
In the history of Iran, due to the existence of several governments and governments with different levels of power, it has witnessed all kinds of territories, boundaries, geographical advances and retreats. Based on this, the southeastern borders of Iran include two parts, one is the border between Iran and Afghanistan, and the other is the border between Iran's Baluchistan and Pakistan's Baluchistan, which were determined based on the British Goldsmith and McMahon arbitrations.
In Iran, all the border areas of the country where the majority of Iranian ethnic groups live are underprivileged and underdeveloped, and ethnic elites are not present in any of the macro and middle administrations, and the diversity of ethnic groups is not viewed as a positive thing and is considered as a threat. Regarding a significant number of these non-Persian ethnic groups, the attitude is a security attitude and the human, material and natural potentials and facilities of the land where they live are not used in the national arena. If a word or movement of these relatives is heard or seen, it is a natural reaction to the actions of these types of officials. We got such an approach in addition to the lack of development of Sunni areas, especially in Sistan and Baluchistan province; The lack of access of the people of these regions to their most basic political, social, economic and civil rights has led to the strengthening and escalation of violent movements in the absence of a suitable platform for the peaceful pursuit of the demands and demands of the Baluch people. Officials should consider ethnic, cultural and religious diversity in Iran as an opportunity and use it as a factor for development and national interests. Dealing with the citizenship rights of border residents is very effective in establishing mutual behavior between the government and citizens and creating commitment and responsibility towards the government, and it creates order and security in border cities. What is certain is that it will be possible to establish order and ensure public security and increase the sense of security among citizens with the participation of citizens and with thoughtful planning and actions based on the law and guaranteeing citizen's rights. There are many factors in the lack of convergence of the Baluch people with the central government of Iran, which can fuel the role of foreign governments in ethnic crises. Among these factors that have arisen in Sistan and Baluchistan from the beginning, we can mention the role of internal groups in ethnic crises, the role of lack of development and discrimination in ethnic crises, and the unequal distribution of capital opportunities between Sistan and Baluchistan and the border areas.
Research history
Tolouei (2016) in an article entitled "Ethnic Relations and Security in Sistan and Baluchistan Province" states that the issue of ethnicities has an important place in the national interests of every country. If different ethnic groups and religious minorities settle in the most important strategic and border areas of each country and their social and cultural barriers are beyond the borders and outside the sphere of national influence and sovereignty; In terms of the connection and connection of these ethnic groups outside the borders, any external challenges and crises will simply spread inside the borders and the possibility of the government monitoring these areas will be greatly reduced. Also, this issue becomes a source of threat to the security of the country when it is associated with the goals of foreigners. The entry of foreign elements into the political structure of countries is easily done by abusing the heterogeneity of ethnic and religious minorities, and in addition to domestic issues, the regional and international politics of such countries are also affected. So that the effect of these interventions and insecurities on the security of Sistan and Baluchistan province in our country is evident.
Mokhtari Hashi et al. (2016) in an article titled "Investigation of the stability of the security of the border villages of Sistan and Baluchistan province" state; Considering that more than 50% of the population of this province still live in rural areas and the growth of the rural population in this province is also high. Therefore, in order to achieve sustainable security in the province, it is necessary to pay attention to the reduction of damage and security threats in the rural areas of the province, and to pay attention to important issues such as achieving sustainable development, comprehensive security and social justice. Therefore, the study of security instability in the rural areas of Sistan and Baluchistan province. Findings showed that the rural areas of the province are vulnerable in various dimensions of economic, social and environmental security and face many challenges. In order to create sustainable security in the rural areas of the province, it is necessary to pay attention to the rural development strategy in order to realize the concept of sustainable development and security.
Quaid Rahmati et al. (2010) in an article entitled "Analysis of the degree of development of the cities of Sistan and Baluchistan province" state; The aim is to investigate more deeply the economic and social characteristics of the cities of the province in order to describe the general structure of each city and determine the degree of development. So that the results of this research can be used by those in charge in making decisions, policies and regional and local planning. The working method in this research is descriptive, analytical and case study. Some of the results of this research show the lack of uniform distribution of facilities and services in the cities of the province. From the total of ten studied cities, Zahedan and Zabul cities are ranked first in allocating resources, facilities and services, Iranshahr, Saravan, Chabahar, Khash, and Nikshahr are ranked second, and Sarbaz, Konarak, and Zahak are ranked last.
Romina, Rezaei Abgoli (2016) in an article titled "The effects of underdevelopment on the increase of political challenges studied: Sistan and Baluchistan province" state. In the internal dimension of the threat of underdevelopment, its effects and consequences can be mentioned. The formation of the potential of protest against the performance of the central government; continuous migrations and marginalization; The formation of crisis potential in immigrant areas; Voluntary and voluntary displacements of the population; severe neighborhood divides; A sense of hopelessness among citizens living in space; Spatial gap between local areas, internal spatial gap at the national level. In the international dimension, the threat of underdevelopment causes regional and extra-regional actors to enter and play a role in the space, the formation of political groups and movements opposed to political goals, economic actors exploiting the neglected capacities in this space. And the connection of local protesting forces to transnational challenging forces leads to regional and transnational space gap and other cases. The results of this research show that the underdevelopment of Sistan and Baluchistan province can increase the above-mentioned spatial threats and challenges. The consequences of this underdevelopment in the domestic and international dimension lead to the increase of the national challenge and finally the continuation of the underdevelopment of the space.
Azami et al. (2012) in an article entitled "Investigation and analysis of the security challenges of the borders of Sistan and Baluchistan province" state; The unstable areas neighboring Iran, especially in the east of the country, have caused major concerns. In these regions, the lack of development of democracy and the instability of the surrounding governments and the expansion of their ethnic authority, as well as the existence of the largest hub of drug production and all kinds of smuggling in the borders of Sistan and Baluchistan, have increased the vulnerability of Iran's geographical and security borders. Usually, the borders are places where ethnic, religious and linguistic groups gather, and in this regard, Sistan and Baluchistan province has special conditions. After all, the geographical location of the province and the presence of a large number of foreign nationals have led to the escalation of terrorist operations in this province and ultimately brought about the lack of stability and the emergence of security challenges for the region of Sistan and Baluchistan and the country.
The innovation and importance of the current research is from several angles: firstly, attention to show the causes of the continuation of the challenge and its cause; Because ending any challenge and crisis requires accurate knowledge of the constant factors of the challenge and crisis. Second, applying the theoretical framework of institutionalism to analyze the causes of the continuation of the challenge; Third, the up-to-datedness of the research problem and the applicability of the results for political decision-makers in Iran.
Definition of concepts
Institutionalism
By providing a certain area of human freedom, institutionalism has been able to take effective steps in explaining why some societies are developed and some are not. From this point of view, as an explanatory model, which is a combination of existing explanatory models, it has high validity. At the same time, this model tries to understand and control social phenomena, and from this point of view, it is judged based on the criteria of predictive power and consensus among experts. Institutionalism, as a theoretical system in the initial stages of formation, needs to expand its branches in various fields. Therefore, it has shortcomings that will undoubtedly determine its future direction (North, 2006).
Pathology
The word "pathology" is one of the common words in medical sciences in the place of its main origin - as well as social sciences, and in its literal meaning, there is not much difference of opinion among different researchers. Damage in the word means suffering and interruption, and together with the word "cognition", it refers to the study of disturbances and disturbances (Arianpour Kashani, 1991, vol. 4: p. 215). This concept, together with the social extension, means the scientific recognition of the imbalances of the social environment and has a very wide scope (Sarukhani, 1996: p. 716). On this basis, it has been said that investigating why the goals of a program have not been achieved means the pathology of that program (Mosavati Azar, 1995: p. 3). "Damage" in this research means "disturbance in the implementation of any policy or creating an obstacle to its full implementation"; And the "pathology of the policy implementation process" includes recognizing the cases that, despite the existence of policies and laws, prevent their full implementation by executive bodies.
Theoretical Framework
Institutionalism is a type of economic analysis that emphasizes the role of social, political and economic institutions in determining economic events. This movement appeared from the end of the 19th century, especially among American economists. The first economists in this regard were Torstein Veblen, John Roger Commons and Wesley Mitchell. At the same time, this attitude is a criticism of neoclassical economics; which, according to institutionalists, ignores the non-economic elements and spaces in which people make decisions.
The institutional school emphasizes the role of institutions and organizations in economic life. "Institution" is not just an institution for a specific purpose such as education, coordination, economic services, union or banking; Rather, it is a pattern consisting of collective or group behavior; which is accepted as an essential part of a culture. The institution includes customs, social habits, laws, ways of thinking and the way of life in general.
Institutionalism, as a theory and method, places political institutions as the subject of its study, and it is believed that this type of study has a fundamental role in the identity of the field of political science. Supporters of this approach consider legal rules and procedures as the main independent variable, and work and the nature of democracies as the dependent variable and believe that it prescribes the rules of behavior.
Based on these discussions, in the late 1990s, these two thinkers discussed a new institutionalism that places collective action at the center of its analysis (Mosavati Azar, 1995: p. 3). Elands enumerates six characteristics for new institutionalism; 1- in which the focus on the organization becomes a focus on the rules. 2- The official concept is changed to the unofficial concept of the institution. 3- The static concept gives way to the dynamic concept of the institution. 4- Hidden values become a critical value position. 5- The holistic concept is replaced by the concept of institutional discontinuity. 6- Independence turns into integration (Lowndes, 2002: p. 102).
Since the beginning of the emergence of the institutional school, different views have been expressed about this school. The scope and scope of these views are not very wide. New institutionalists like North believe that even in the most advanced economies today, there are complete signs of the original school of institutionalists. The economic school of institutionalism has undergone important and evolutionary changes during its 100 years of existence. Therefore, according to these changes and developments and the difference in the views of institutional economists, they are divided into 3 important generations; The first generation, who are the main founders of the economic school of institutionalism, such as Veblen, Commons and Mitchell. The second generation of institutional economics is known as Institutionalists, and the most important economists of this school are Galbraith, Myrdal and Ayers.
In the case of the new institutional school, two very important issues should be noted, firstly, that institutions are considered the central and main part of political theories, and secondly, institutions should be considered as builders and shapers of policies. The most famous economists of the third generation, known as the new generation of institutionalism, are North, Williamson and Robert Thomas. The new school of institutionalism actually continues the old institutionalism and seeks to provide scientific and rational economic reasons for the existence of institutions and their role in societies, in order to reduce their transaction costs by compiling internal communications and setting appropriate rules and standards.
Introducing the province
Sistan and Baluchistan province is located in the southeast of Iran and at the geographical coordinates of 25 degrees 2 minutes to 31 degrees 27 minutes’ north latitude from the equator and 58 degrees 50 minutes to 62 degrees 21 minutes east longitude from the Greenwich meridian. And its center is Zahedan city.
Sistan and Baluchistan province with a population of about 2733205 people and an area of about 187502 square kilometers constitutes 11.4% of the total area of the country. The area of dry areas of the province is 178431 square kilometers and the area of water areas of the province is 71 square kilometers. This vast province has a common border with Pakistan for 900 km from the east and Afghanistan for 200 km, and a water border with the Oman Sea in the south with a length of approximately 270 km.
This province is adjacent to South Khorasan for 190 km from the north and northwest, Kerman province for 5890 km from the west, and Hormozgan province for 165 km from the west. The province's long water borders (about 300 km) and land borders (about 1800 km) with the countries of Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Persian Gulf countries have given it a special position and created special conditions. Religious plurality and diversity, different dialects and ethnic and tribal affiliations are other social characteristics of this province. The minimum height of the province above sea level is 7 meters, corresponding to Chabahar city, and its maximum height above sea level is 1400 meters, corresponding to Khash city. The province of Sistan and Baluchistan generally consists of two districts, Sistan and Baluchistan. In Sistan and Baluchistan province, as an ethnic and religious province, different ethnic groups live, the Baluchis mostly live in the south, the Sistanis live in the north of the province, and others live scattered in different parts of the province. In terms of population, these ethnic groups are: Baluch, Sistani, and other ethnic groups (Birjandis, Yazidis, Turks, etc.). In the survey, it was found that 36 main tribes and clans do not live in the province according to the specified distribution. But the noteworthy point is that the percentage of presence of different ethnic groups in the capital city of the province is almost equal (Shah Bakhsh, 1998: p. 8). There are two cultural areas in this province. The cultural region of Sistan, which forms the northern parts of Sistan and Baluchistan province centered on Zabul, and the cultural region of Baluchistan, which the public perception of it is associated with drug trafficking, poverty, drought and insecurity (Poormusavi et al., 2008: p. 83). Iran's Baluchistan is only a part of the land that houses the Baluch. The Baluchs were originally the inhabitants of Iran. But during the Seljuq rule in Iran and after the Mongol invasion, their massive migration began from the south and southeast of Iran to the east on the route of Sindh and Punjab in present-day Pakistan. In general, Baluchistan is divided between Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Iran's Baluchistan is the second largest Baluch region in terms of size. Local pro-Baluch political movements have been mainly concentrated in eastern Baluchistan in Pakistan, and a small number of Iranian Baluchs have also looked towards the east. A major reason for the lack of strong political tendencies among the Iranian Baluchis is the deep historical, linguistic and cultural ties of the Baluchis with Iran (Ahmadi, 1999: p. 378). But the religious and ethnic incompatibility between this part of the country and the central part of Iran is always considered as a cause of divergence. In addition to human factors, geographic and natural factors also have a great impact. Thus, this region is separated from the main core by the deserts of Lut and Markazi (Akhbari and Mohammadpour, 2007: p. 30). Among the provincial centers, Zahedan has the farthest distance from Tehran. Then, the distance reduces the interaction of spaces and the volume of communication, and as a result, it makes the process of social integration of different ethnic groups of the nation and also the connection of geographical spaces difficult. The location of the wide and triangular spaces of the interior deserts of Iran between Baluchistan and the central part of the country has caused the geographical remoteness of this region and has given that situation complete margins. Geographical isolation, along with other differentiating factors, has caused the Baluch to be less involved in the national destiny and not to play a significant role in the major changes in the national society of Iran (Hafeznia, 2002: p. 174). The low political participation of the people of this area shows the criticality of the security situation in this area. Even now, Sistan and Baluchistan is placed in the category of permanent and mild crisis areas (Comprehensive Plan of Country Divisions, 1998: p. 22). The Baluch people, like other ethnic groups, are not considered a threat on their own, but they become a source of threat and danger when other structural and functional components are created in the country that monitor the inequality in the development indicators in the country (Hafeznia and Romina, 2006: p. 35).
The relationship between development and security in the region of Sistan and Baluchistan
Development and security have a mutual relationship. On the one hand, wherever there is security, development becomes sustainable, and providing national security is one of the appropriate platforms for national development; On the other hand, wherever there is development, there is security. Development and movement towards it led to strengthening the foundations of national power and, as a result, national security in the country. When there is no security in a society, it will not be possible to invest, and the reduction of investment will deepen the backwardness. The existence of geographical injustices and the unbalanced development of the geographical parts of the country have caused damage to national solidarity and unity and have led to the occurrence of divergent movements, especially in ethnic areas (Ahmadipour et al., 2007: p. 22). Some of the researchers have found the imbalance, gap and regional disparities in the country even more than tenfold and have declared that the development of the country has a strong center-periphery model of governance. So that most of the backward cities are located in the marginal and border areas of the country and in the mountainous areas (Kalenari, 1998: p. 192). The eastern regions of the country, which suffer from real deprivation and underdevelopment, have become more marginal, even the population of human resources in these regions has been marginalized due to the development of these areas (Amir Ahmadian, 1999: p. 45). The following cultural problems are accompanied by the social structure of the region, the backward economy, and the incomplete use of the existing capacities of Sistan and Baluchistan province, among the bottlenecks in its development process. The existence of different cultures, ethnicities, and cultural and social heterogeneity in the region, the problem of unemployment, the supply of labor with low quality; And the lack of necessary expertise and the prevalence of illegal employment, the reluctance of local investors to invest in productive activities that usually have slow returns. This reluctance is exacerbated (especially with the possibility of quick exploitation and with a very high rate of return for illegal investments); The existence of suitable grounds for illegal activities of smuggling goods and drugs has forced a large amount of the province's facilities to fight against smuggling and has made effective forces busy in the development process of the province.
Political-security pathology of Sistan and Baluchistan province
Unauthorized presence of foreigners (travel of foreign nationals)
It can be boldly stated that the province of Sistan and Baluchistan is a victim of the consequences of the political, social and economic situation of the two countries of Afghanistan and Pakistan due to the large and unaccountable migration of neighboring nationals; So that in some areas of the province, the population structure has changed in general (Haidari, 2010: p. 42). The migration of Afghans to Iran has a history of 30 years. Even before this, Afghan immigrants migrated to Iran as labor force. The invasion of Afghanistan by the Red Army and the sympathy of the Iranian government with the Afghan nation, the cultural affinities between Iran and Afghanistan, and the special political and economic situation of Iran caused a large number of displaced Afghans to choose Iran as their home. And stay in Iran during the years when their country was in a chaotic situation. According to Iranian authorities, the number of Afghans who immigrated to Iran once reached about 3.5 million people (Shafi'i, 2010: p. 59). The presence of foreigners in the region has led to new issues, the most important of which are: changing the landscape of the border strip and the formation of non-native communities in Iran; New demographic issues such as marriages with Iranian nationals and changing population ratios in border areas; spread of human and livestock infectious diseases; Smuggling of Iranian goods and money into Afghanistan; smuggling drugs and weapons into Iran; The spread of insecurity in the urban and rural areas of the country's eastern borders; Development of social anomalies such as theft, murder, forgery of documents, etc.; espionage of some people for the Afghan government; Providing the required labor force in low and labor jobs (Hafez Nia, 2006: p. 54).
Ethnic-religious tensions
A quick look at the political-ideological conditions in Sistan and Baluchistan indicates that the real challenges - but not openly, but in depth and secretly - are intensifying. Here, the sources of influential power outside the scope of Islamic power seem to be more active, and this is the aspect of the issue that requires special vigilance. In this regard, the ideological dimension has intensified after the Taliban took power in Kandahar in 2015 and it seems that it will gradually affect the Sistan and Baluchistan region. At the same time, Taliban's thought has been exposed to the challenges of the Islamic Revolution and in Quetta - the capital of Baluchistan - Pakistan - it has also led Baluch nationalism to struggle (Malazhi, 2002: p. 45). The ethnic and religious closeness between the residents of Sistan and Baluchistan Province and Pakistan's Baluchistan on one hand and the school closeness and extensive emotional relations with the Taliban leaders on the other hand have created many concerns about the transfer of hunger crises from this phenomenon to Iran. And it has even created a tool for American and British pressure under the pretext of the presence of al-Qaeda forces through the eastern borders (Mirzaei, 2009: pp.93-92). The issue of Wahhabism and its expansion in Sistan and Baluchistan is due to the financial support of Saudi Arabia and other foreign countries. From the point of view of Wahhabism, this part of Iran has more suitable conditions for promoting and developing religious sectarianism and Wahhabism. The most important factors of which are: the presence of Sunnis, who are in the majority against Shiism; The freedom of action of Wahhabis in Pakistan, as well as the extension of the Iranian Baluch ethnic group abroad, facilitates the activities and propaganda of Wahhabis; The settlement of Hanafi Baluchs in the border area of Sistan and Baluchistan province; Economic, cultural and social poverty and religious differences in the central and peripheral regions of Iran (Karimpour, p. 85). All in all, the mentioned factors are among the factors that should be given basic attention, and if these features are neglected, the country's security may be at risk in the future.
Geographic isolation and distance from the center
Geographical isolation will cause separation and dissociation between the border areas and the internal areas of the country, lack of access or its slowness, and place in a dead-end situation (Vazin, 2012: p. 65). The province of Sistan and Baluchistan has found an exceptional and special position due to its proximity to Afghanistan and Pakistan and its location on the shores of the Oman Sea. This geopolitical position has made the province important in the country and region, but the province has a marginal position in the political and spatial organization of the country. This marginal position at the national level, on the one hand, and the marginal position at the regional level, on the other hand, have imposed special conditions that reflect more negative indicators than positive ones; Natural and human factors, as well as extra-regional powers, have influenced the existing situation of the province (Malshahi, 2010: p.9). In the formation of security issues in the province of Sistan and Baluchistan, there are gaps, one of which is the gap between this province in terms of climate and geography with other regions of the country. The large geographic area and unfavorable natural conditions, in addition to the large and easy movement of the people of this region to the neighboring countries due to the proximity to the other side of the border, have created problems for security agents in these areas (Ahmadipour et al., 2012: p. 45). According to these materials, it can be concluded that the phenomenon of marginality has a direct relationship with the phenomenon of insecurity at the borders; it makes the areas far from the center a hotbed of smugglers and fugitives from the law, which is clearly visible in the borders of Sistan and Baluchistan.
Investigating the institutional approach in connection with Sistan and Baluchistan province
Based on global indicators, compared to advanced countries, Iran is an undeveloped country and its border areas are double sensitive we are witnessing a kind of duality of development in the country. The lack of development of Iran's border areas is due to the threat of border areas to private investment and the outflow of local capital from border areas, the establishment of the peripheral center system in Iran, the limitation of resources and unfavorable environmental conditions, and the lack of attention to the development of local development infrastructure in these areas. As a result, these areas face the problem of unemployment, poverty, low level of education, skill, expertise, and migration. One of these regions is Sistan and Baluchistan.
One of the theoretical approaches related to the political pathology of security at the national and provincial levels is the "institutionalist approach". This approach looks at the nature and political-institutional structure, the governance of the government and national and regional-local government institutions, and the type of policies adopted by the government in various dimensions to manage the multi-ethnic and religious society. In the institutional approach, the feasibility of political and security stability and instability, especially in multi-ethnic and religious societies, depends on important intervening institutional variables. In this approach, the indicators of which are the effectiveness of roles and duties, promotion of values, clarification, capacity building, and accountability. The government and its role in economic development, welfare, and social justice, with the complexity and expansion of the government's activities and the increase in society's expectations and needs, the government can no longer be considered the sole custodian and responsible for all society's issues. In such a situation, it is the efforts of the government along with other institutions in the society that can respond to the needs. Due to the lack of knowledge and necessary skills in the expert body, limited financial resources, organizational inflexibility, and centralized and law-abiding bureaucracies, the government institution has been prevented from carrying out many necessary activities and has felt the need for the cooperation of other institutions. The commonality of this approach with the theory of institutionalism is in emphasizing the role of institutions; Although in good governance, in addition to the institution, other issues such as monitoring, transparency, accountability, responsibility, etc. are also emphasized. In addition, in the approach of new institutionalism and good governance, we also see the influence of individuals and groups, and it is a combination of institutions and individuals that lead the society towards development or otherwise; In such a way that these two approaches can be considered complementary to each other.
After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, important goals such as justice and ending poverty and social unrest caused the grounds and platforms for the convergence of the Baluch and their nationalism to be provided; Without ignoring some of the measures and policies of the government and provincial institutions to establish dimensions of justice and eliminate some discrimination in Baluchistan, Iran. But it should be noted that institutional measures and policies for distributive justice and elimination of discrimination have a big gap and gap with the expectations and hopes of the Baluch people. The existence of this gap indicates a lack of serious institutional attention to the combination of moral and political affairs and decision-making. With the continuation of the current management strategies and not properly filling the gap between the expectations and the governmental and institutional measures taken regarding the establishment of equality of justice and the serious reduction of discrimination; We can see the break and split between the center and the periphery and possibly a wave of politicization of the Baluch ethnic identity, behavioral radicalism with the abuse of deviant Baluch political currents and regional and extra-regional powers from this platform. Although until now, national and religious identity have acted as two important pillars and blocks of cement of the sector's cohesion in Iran, especially after the revolution, for the sense of belonging of the ethnic groups, including the Baluch, to the Iranian nation; But the existence of a series of religious and cultural discriminations and its reflection in the political and social sphere has caused the gradual politicization of the Baluch ethnic identity and the emergence of radical political movements in recent decades. A mixture of religious and ethnic-linguistic conflicts and discrimination, along with the poverty of nature and underdevelopment, has made this region more deprived than other regions and will make them more prone to crises and violence in the future. In this connection, for example, the ethnicity of the Turkmens can be mentioned, which means that the Turkmens, like the Baluchs, have a religious and ethnic gap with the Persians; But factors such as lack of natural poverty and better standards of living and welfare and other factors have caused them not to move towards violence and separatism except for the first few years of the revolution. The existence of some religious and political discriminations and the intensification and instigation of these discriminations by political currents and Wahhabi and Saudi networks can also lead to the politicization of the Baluch ethnic identity. Due to the fact that Sunni scholars are in Arab countries and Persian Gulf countries and are influenced by the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, they influence the Sunni Baluchs of Iran whether they want to or not (Zia Al Rahman, 2014, p. 2). In the meantime, the Takfiri group (Jundullah) led by Abdul Malik Righi was one of the most important groups that, by inciting various discriminations, try to endanger unity and national security by inciting the Baluch to violent action. This group declared its goal to achieve ethnic and religious rights, establish religious freedoms, equality, and eliminate ethnic-linguistic discrimination, and Baluch participation in the country's affairs and the economic and cultural development of the Baluch region (Al-Arabiya, 2009). In addition to these, the policies of the government, such as the non-employment of Sunnis in the military and police forces, universities, and many government and administrative positions, are examples that have always been objected to by the Baluch elites. (Friday sermon of Zahedan Ahl al-Sunnah, August 11, 2017)
Conclusion
Sistan and Baluchistan province has found special importance in the country's development, security, and development programs due to its special geographical location, border, exchanges and spatial links on the border, various vulnerabilities, and threats in the region. This deprived and underdeveloped province has seen an increase in violence and armed conflicts by territorial groups in recent years. The phenomenon of goods smuggling has become a widespread phenomenon, and goods and drug trafficking has become a semi-official job. Although the root of unrest in the region has always been considered to be political issues, economic deprivation and lack of access to political institutions cannot be ignored in the creation and spread of unrest. Because insecurity is more common in undeveloped areas. With the developments in the global security system and the foundations of power, the concept of national security to the extent of protecting the land is no longer responsive to new security threats. Therefore, achieving development and getting rid of underdevelopment, and reducing security threats at all rural, urban, regional, and national levels will be the only option to increase the security factor of countries.
However, this province is one of the most deprived provinces in such a way that it is at the bottom of the country's provinces in terms of development indicators. Therefore, it is necessary to identify the various sectors of the development sector of the province with proper planning and investment in these sectors. Regional development requires the creation of coherence and discipline between the activities of various economic and political sectors, which itself requires comprehensive information and statistics of the activities mentioned above. Indeed, without having detailed information and familiarity with the way of inter-departmental communication, obtaining the results of various types of research will not be very successful: for this reason, regional development planning requires having sufficient information on regional accounts and inter-departmental communication and economic sectors of the region.
One of the theoretical approaches related to the political pathology of security at the national and provincial levels is the "institutionalist approach". This approach looks at the nature and political-institutional structure, the governance of the government and national and regional-local government institutions, and the type of policies adopted by the government in various dimensions to manage the multi-ethnic and religious society. In the institutional approach, the feasibility of political and security stability and instability, especially in multi-ethnic and religious societies, depends on important intervening institutional variables. In recent decades, several favorable institutional and governance indicators and relatively favorable economic and social achievements have been realized in Sistan and Baluchistan province. However, with a realistic approach, it should be said that concerning economic and social indicators, Sistan and Baluchistan province has relatively serious distances from the desired point so that the people of these regions and the Sunnis have some kind of experience of economic, social, and political discrimination.
The institutional approach considers the strengthening of local-regional leadership as a necessary and necessary action for development management, and management defines regional development as a decentralized process based on vertical and horizontal cooperation between different levels of government and horizontal cooperation between private and public sectors. Also, cooperation and joint efforts of local agents and actors determine the potential and bargaining power of the region concerning higher-level agents and influence the adjustment of national frameworks, laws, and regulations according to local conditions. In the governance field, citizens' power is generally exercised through elections, public mobilization, and consumption; While the government officially has the legal, military, political, and financial power. Civil society also exerts power and influence through mobilizing the masses, lobbying in the centers of power, the media, and directing the thoughts of the masses of people in policies and decisions.
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